As Of 5 July

(132nd Day Of War)


  • Hasty withdrawal of Russian troops on 30 June from the Snake Island, seized earlier in the very beginning of Russia’s invasion, confirms that Kremlin’s plans in Ukraine continue to fail;
  • Realizing that it will not win the war on the battlefield, Russia has resorted to the state terrorism. In recent days, massive Russian missile attacks killed dozens of civilians in Kremenchuk, Mykolaiv, Serhiivka and other localities. These deliberate terrorist acts again demonstrate the urgent need to provide Ukraine with powerful and effective anti-aircraft and anti-missile defense systems;
  • Only Ukraine and its people will decide when and how the war will end and the peace with Russia will be reached. 89% of Ukrainian citizens believe that the war must end with complete liberation of Ukraine’s territory within the internationally recognized borders;
  • Russia understands only the language of force. If Ukraine loses on the battlefield, all democratic countries will lose. Support to Ukraine is the best investment into European and world security. The NATO Madrid Summit has clearly defined Russia in its Declaration as the most significant and direct threat to peace and stability in the Euro-Atlantic area;
  • On 30 June, a bill on “special measures in the economic sphere” enabling the Russian government to force private Russian companies to provide supplies for Russian military operations was introduced to the Russian parliament. Russia remains focused on war, not diplomacy;
  • We need to be ready for a long-term fight. We must not allow Kremlin to use its propaganda and growing “war fatigue” to weaken the support provided to Ukraine. It is important that our partners share this approach: at the G7 Summit, the leaders have stated that G7 “will stand with Ukraine for as long as it takes”;
  • We want to liberate all the occupied territories (currently, nearly 20 percent of Ukraine’s territory with >2.600 settlements). No ceasefire, demilitarization or disengagement would be appropriate: we do not want to establish another “frozen conflict” or give Russia a respite for preparation for the next invasion;
  • Withdrawal of Ukrainian troops from the Luhansk region is a temporary measure, taken with the aim of preventing losses of military personnel in view of Russia’s significant advantage in heavy arms. We will return to the Luhansk and all other regions;
  • After four months of intensive fighting along the very long front line in a full-scale land warfare, Ukraine’s stocks of heavy arms and especially ammunition have been largely depleted. In order to keep defending and launch counterattacks aimed at liberation of our territories, we need to re-arm our troops with the NATO weapons and ammunition, which can be supplied by our partners throughout the world;
  • We highly appreciate the support already provided by our partners. At the same time, Russia retains a huge advantage in heavy arms, especially artillery. The sooner we receive substantial volumes of modern, high-precision and efficient arms, which would allow us to reach at least parity with Russia, the more lives of Ukrainian military and civilians we will save;
  • The population of the Russia-occupied areas of Ukraine continues to fiercely resist the occupation. Ukrainian citizens do not accept the so-called “Russian world”, which brings only deaths, destruction and fear. It is no surprise that the occupation authorities in southern regions of Ukraine remain unable until now to create even a false sense of normal life, and unable to organize the staged shows on the so-called “referendums”;
  • Russia does not stop its efforts to draw Belarus military forces directly into the war;
  • Given all the crimes committed by the Russian army in Ukraine, continuing negotiations with Russia is currently impossible. Only when we deliver devastating blows to the occupier troops on the battlefield and Kremlin realizes that it would not win this war, Ukraine will have negotiating position strong enough to engage into substantial talks.
  • Ukraine will not deviate from its path to full NATO membership. Until that happens, Ukraine needs effective and legally binding security guarantees, which would prevent Russia’s aggression.


  • Russian troops in Ukraine commit numerous war crimes, such as attacks and bombings of civilian objects, premeditated killings (including mass killings), use of prohibited weapons, rape and other forms of sexual violence, torture and inhuman treatment, illegal movement and deportation;
  • Russia’s public statements that its attacks are directed only at the military targets are fake: Russian troops continue destroying Ukraine with indiscriminate missile strikes and heavy artillery. In the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, the Russian occupiers regularly resort to the scorched-earth tactics. Dozens of thousands of civilians were killed and wounded;
  • Over 26,000 civilian infrastructure facilities were destroyed and damaged, including more than 20,600 residential buildings and houses, roads and bridges, more than 1,400 educational and more than 200 medical institutions, about 2,400 water and electricity networks, more than 300 cultural and religious sites (the numbers do not include the occupied territories to which we do not have access). Vast areas are mined;
  • The worst humanitarian situation remains in the localities along the front line and in those occupied by Russia. The city of Mariupol was almost entirely destroyed by Russian attacks, with dozens of thousands of casualties and forceful deportations by the Russian occupiers. Similar situation is now in Severodonetsk and Lysychansk. The cities of Kharkiv, Odesa, Mykolayiv, border settlements of Chernihiv and Sumy regions, and other cities and villages of Ukraine also suffer from constant shelling: as a result, about 50% of residential buildings there are damaged;
  • Looting, tortures, willful killings and abductions are widespread in the occupied areas;
  • In the temporarily occupied territories, Russia appoints its occupation administration, imposes Russian passports, forcibly relocates Ukrainian women and children to Russia and Belarus, and recruits Ukrainian men into the Russian armed forces;
  • Education in the Russian language and according to the Russian standards is being introduced in the newly occupied territories. In some occupied regions, it is forbidden not only to teach in Ukrainian, but also to communicate in Ukrainian. To replace the Ukrainian language, literature, geography and history, similar Russian subjects are introduced, including the history of the certain regions of Luhansk and Donetsk regions in some schools. The occupying power urges schoolchildren to spend vacations in Russian camps, and school graduates to continue their education in Russian higher education institutions. Ukrainian educators who refuse to cooperate with the occupation authorities are severely persecuted;
  • More than 12 mln Ukrainian citizens fled their homes. More than 5 mln of them (out of them about 900 000 children) left abroad. Nearly 8 mln became IDPs. To support them, the Government of Ukraine launched the assistance programs for accommodation, new jobs and financial support for the initial period after relocation. We would appreciate any contributions by our partners to resolving the problem of accommodation for IDPs: the Government of Ukraine cannot cover all needs on its own;
  • Nearly 0.5 mln (according to the official Russian information – over 1 mln. people) were deported by Russia to its territory or to the occupied parts of Donbas. Almost 300 000 Ukrainians were rescued through the humanitarian corridors.


  • Russia seeks to destroy Ukraine’s economy, to make us a “failed state”, which would not be able to resist its pressure and influence. Every next day of the war makes the situation even worse;
  • The GDP of Ukraine is expected to drop by 1/3 in 2022. Russia’s invasion has damaged or destroyed up to 30% of Ukraine’s infrastructure at a cost of 100 bln USD. The overall infrastructure damage, and lost profits and investments constitute almost 600 bln USD;
  • The Government of Ukraine is making every effort to keep Ukraine’s economy afloat (supporting relocation from the war zone, cutting red tape, launching lending programs for business, finding accommodation and new jobs for IDPs). In the liberated areas, critical infrastructure and residential areas are restored;
  • Reconstruction of Ukraine is a joint task of the entire democratic world and the greatest possible contribution to maintaining global peace. We are grateful to the countries ready to take patronage over Ukraine’s regions, cities or industries affected by the war;
  • At the Ukraine Recovery Conference in Lugano, we have presented our national Reconstruction Plan;
  • The generous financial and technical international assistance is warmly welcomed. This is a contribution of our partners to their own security, as defending Ukraine prevents Russia from bringing new wars and crises. Grants are a priority, as Ukraine should not bear the increased debt burden being in defensive war;
  • Trade, transport and energy liberalization and increasing Ukraine’s export is a critical element of post-war recovery. We expect the decisions taken in this regard by EU, UK, Canada and US to remain in place after the end of the war;
  • Russia must fully pay for its crimes: its confiscated assets around the world should become the main source of financing Ukraine’s economic recovery. Such recovery must start already now, without waiting for the end of the war;
  • The global food crisis provoked by Russia’s war against Ukraine is of artificial nature. Russia is the only reason why this crisis has appeared. No one has sanctioned or prevented Russia’s export of food, whatever Russian propaganda is broadcasting;
  • As soon as we are able to ensure secure export of Ukrainian food with support of international community from our seaports, we will immediately launch it, to save hundreds of millions of people around the world from hunger. Until that time, we do our best to export food by railway, roads, rivers, and whatever we have available;
  • We expect all countries to refrain from buying food stolen by Russia from the occupied parts of Ukraine.


  • During their invasion into Ukraine, the Russian troops systematically violate the norms of international humanitarian law and international human rights law: deliberate and indiscriminate attacks on civilians; their use as hostages and human shield; execution and rapes; forceful conscription and kidnapping; attacks on medical personnel and facilities; use of banned weapons etc;
  • Ukrainian law enforcement agencies have launched an investigation into more than 21,300 war crimes and crimes of aggression committed since 24 February. These cases are investigating the killing of about 6,000 (including 345 children) and the wounding of more than 7,200 civilians (including 644 children). These figures do not take into account the occupied territories, to which law enforcement officers do not have access, and they are growing every day;
  • Russia flagrantly violates international law (including by attacking civil ships, Ukraine’s environment and cultural heritage) and Ukraine’s sovereignty (by introducing its laws, passports, currency, education and phone codes in the occupied parts of Ukraine). Since 2014, Russia has violated ~400 international treaties, to which our countries are parties;
  • President Putin and his proxies responsible for the war against Ukraine have to be sentenced as war criminals. The war launched by Kremlin is widely supported by Russian society, which shares responsibility for it. Russia must be recognized as a state – sponsor of terrorism, and Russian Armed Forces recognized as a terrorist organization;
  • A separate investigation into the crime of genocide is being conducted. The International Criminal Court opened its own full-fledged investigation at the request of 42 countries and joined the joint investigation team of Ukraine, Lithuania and Poland. The EU, US and UK established the Atrocity Crimes Advisory Group, which provides assistance to the Ukraine`s Prosecutor General Office in investigation of the Russian crimes in Ukraine. On 1 July, Ukraine submitted its Memorial to the International Court of Justice in the case against Russia under the 1948 UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.


  • Sanctions work: Russia’s GDP in June 2022 decreased by 4.3% (in January 2022, 5.6% growth was registered). Any circumvention of sanctions must be prevented;
  • Russia’s military machine can be stopped if Kremlin loses revenues from selling fossil fuels. This scope is realistic: June 2022 became the first month in history when the EU has imported more gas via LNG from the US than via pipeline from Russia. Price limit for Russian oil can be used as an additional tool;
  • Restricting Russia’s access to maritime transportation would further undermine its export-oriented economy;
  • The seventh EU package of sanctions should be adopted soon: there is no need to wait and see how the previous ones work. The pressure on Russia must only strengthen;
  • Strengthening sanctions is also necessary to ensure that Russia is not able to manufacture and maintain high-tech weapons containing many components supplied by NATO countries;
  • Any lifting of sanctions has to be agreed with Ukraine. The legal way to confiscate Russia’s frozen foreign exchange reserves and assets abroad to be further used for compensations to Ukraine and Ukrainian citizens has to be found;
  • Russia must be further economically and politically isolated from the world, losing its levers and capacities to influence decision-making in other countries and international bodies (withdrawal of private business, banning Russian propaganda channels, ending Russia’s influence in politics, business, sports, culture, research and other spheres, introducing visa regime, expelling from international financial institutions, banning Russia’s membership in international organizations and dismissing Russian citizens from their Secretariats).
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