The Assassination of Russia – FSB false flag bombings of 1999

The Assassination of Russia – FSB false flag bombings of 1999

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Blowing Up Russia: Terrorism From Within

Blowing Up Russia: Terrorism From Within

Published on Nov 13, 2012

Documentary film describes the September 1999 Russian apartment bombings as a terrorist act committed by Russian state security services. Written and directed by Yuri Felshtinsky and Alexander Litvinenko. “We just cannot go out and say that the president of Russia is a mass murderer. But it is important that we know it.”

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Window On Eurasia: Existence Of ‘Four [Differeent] Russias’ Complicates Political Struggle, Moscow Analyst Says


Paul Goble

            Staunton, January 2 – Recent public demonstrations have called attention to “the vertical division” between the powers and the people of the Russian Federation, but according to a leading Moscow analyst, an equally important division for both those in power and those who oppose them may be the existence of “four Russias,” each very different from the others.
            In an article in last Friday’s “Vedomosti,” Natalya Zubarevich, the director of regional programs at Moscow’s Independent Institute of Social Policy, describes each of these Russias and argues that relations with and among them will play a critical role in political outcomes in the coming year (
            The “first Russia” is “a country of large cities.” It includes the 12 Russian cities with a million residents or more and two just under that figure, Perm and Krasnoyarsk.  In these 14 live 21 percent of the population – or one in every five. And only in five of them – Ufa, Perm, Omsk, Chelyabinsk, and Volgograd – do Soviet-era industrial enterprises still dominate.
            In the others, “a post-industrial transformation” has occurred, with this trend somewhat more pronounced in Yekaterinburg, Novosibirsk, and Rostov and somewhat less in the others.  As a result, professionals, entrepreneurs, and white collar employees set the weather in this “first Russia.”
            Moreover, over the last decade, consumption patterns in all of these cities have approached those of Moscow even though incomes still lag in many of them. Consequently, it is now appropriate to speech of the emergence of a middle class and to note that this group forms an ever-growing fraction of the population.
            This group of cities is a magnete for migrants with “up to 80 percent” of all migration consisting of flows to and among them.  And if one adds to this Russia the population of other cities with more than 500,000, then this “Russia” includes 36 percent of the country’s population, some 51 million people.
            It is in this Russia that the 35 million domestic users of the Internet and those who want a more open society are concentrated. But what is most important, Zubarevich argues, is that it is in “the first Russia” that “protest energy arose without being stimulated by a crisis: instead of the reflexes of homo economicus have worked the mechanisms of moral alientation.”
            Thus, she writes, “in the case of a new crisis, the impact on the educated urban stratum will be strong, but mobility and a higher level of competitiveness of the residents of major cities will permit them more quickly to adapt to an unfavorable situation.”
            The “second Russia” consists of the mid-sized industrial cities of from 20,000 to 500,000 or even 700,000 in the case of Tol’yati.  “Far from all mid-sized cities have preserved an industrial specialization in the post-Soviet years,” Zubarevich notes, “but its spirit all the same is strong as is the Soviet way of life of the population.”
            Bllue collar and government employees of relatively low qualification, Zubarevich says, dominate the socio-economic scene. About 25 percent of all Russians live in this Russia, an in its “most unstable part,” the company towns, about 10 percent of the total.  (Official figures on the number of “mono-cities” are exaggerated, she explains.)
            If a new crisis occurs, this “Russia” will experience “the greatest shock,” with industrial production falling faster than other branches while “the mobility and competitiveness of the population [would be relatively] small.” If the federal budget can maintain subsidies, the regime can control the situation, but if not, then there could be a wave of populist protests.
            Many of the factories in this “second Russia” should have been closed long ago, Zubarevich says, because of low productivity, “but this was not done in the [earlier] crisis, and most probably, it will not be done in the case of another shock.  “As 2009 showed, the vlasti recognize the danger of a protest by ‘the second Russia’ and they know how to prevent it.”
            The “third Russia,” in which 38 percent of all Russians live, is “the enormous periphery of the country and consisting of residents of villages, settlements, and small cities.” It is, Zubarevich says, linked to “the land” and remains “outside of politics because the calendar of agricultural work does not depend on a change of the powers that be.”
            Consequently, its “protest potential” is “minimal” even if pensions and pay are delayed, the Moscow expert says.
            Finally, she says, there is a “fourth Russia,” consisting of the republics of the North Caucasus and the south of Siberia (Tyva and Altay).  Amounting to six percent of Russia’s population, this Russia has some cities but “almost no industrial ones.” And “the agricultural population continues to grow and is still young, although young people are moving to the cities.”
            What is important for this Russia as far as Moscow is concerned are stable flows of federal assistance and investment from the federal budget, something Vladimir Putin has pledged to do despite opposition.  But the amount of money involved is much smaller than many believe, Zubarevich says.
            She points out that “the amount of transfer payments [from Moscow] to the republics of the North Caucasus in 2010 consisted of 160 billion rubles, 10.7 percent of all transfers to the regions from the federal budget, and with Tyva and Altay added 12 percent.”  The amount the federal budget gave to Moscow for transportation problems in 2012 was twice as much.
            It is clear, Zubarevich concludes, that “sooner or later, ‘the first Russia’ will overwhelm” the others and determine political outcomes. What is not certain and what she does not say in this article is whether this will happen in 2012 – or whether operating on the others, Vladimir Putin will be able to return to the Kremlin.
Posted by at 4:22 PM
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Sergey Khadjikurbanov Rejects His Role Of Organizing Anna Politkovskaya’s Murder

Oct 27 2011, 22:10

Sergey Khadjikurbanov, ex-militiaman, who was repeatedly charged of murdering Anna Politkovskaya, an observer of the “Novaya Gazeta” newspaper, rejects his guilt and refuses to testify. This was reported by his lawyer Alexei Mikhalchik.

The “Caucasian Knot” has reported that today Sergey Khadjikurbanov was again charged of organizing the murder of Anna Politkovskaya. “Khadjikurbanov is accused of the crime that, after he had been released from prison on September 22, 2006, he headed an organized criminal grouping in the course of preparation and commitment of Politkovskaya’s murder,” stated Vladimir Markin, the official spokesman of the Investigatory Committee of the Russian Federation (ICRF).

Alexei Mikhalchik has confirmed that his client faced a newly-worded indictment. However, according to his story, it hardly differs from the previous one, under which Sergey Khadjikurbanov was acquitted by the jury.

“The charge is not specified; and this impedes the work of the defence,” Mr Mikhalchik has and added that it is not clear from the indictment how Lom-Ali Gaitukaev, another figurant in the case, could communicate with Sergey Khadjikurbanov in organizing the murder, since the latter was in custody at that time.

Murad Musaev, Djabrail Makhmudov’s advocate, also said that his client had faced a newly-formulated indictment. “Its content is the same; however, instead of committing the crime jointly with unidentified persons, investigators name the new detainees Gaitukaev and Pavlyuchenkov,” he has emphasized.

According to Darya Trenina, the advocate of the suspected killer Rustam Makhmudov, her client has not faced his indictment yet, the “RAPSI” (Russian Agency of Legal and Judicial Information) reports.

At the same time, relatives and friends of Anna Politkovskaya do not believe that the ex-militiaman Sergey Khadjikurbanov was the main organizer of her murder.

“Basing on the materials of the case, which was brought to the court two years ago, I have no reason to believe that Sergey Khadjikurbanov is the main organizer,” Ilya, Anna Politkovskaya’s son, said today.

According to his story, “the materials of the case say practically nothing in this regard”, the “Interfax” reports.

See earlier reports: “Court leaves Pavlyuchenkov, accused of murdering Politkovskaya, in custody,” “Presentation of indictment to native of Chechnya Gaitukaev on Politkovskaya’s murder case postponed,” “It is five years since the day of Anna Politkovskaya’s murder today,” “Court upholds arrest of supposed Politkovskaya’s killer.”

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NORTHWEST HERALD: New Charges Filed In Killing Of Russian Journalist

By VLADIMIR ISACHENKOV – The Associated Press

Created: Friday, October 7, 2011 8:12 a.m. CDT

MOSCOW – Russian investigators marked the 5th anniversary of journalist Anna Politkovskaya’s killing today by filing new charges against suspects involved in the slaying, but they have remained silent about who might have ordered her murder.

Politkovskaya, a sharp critic of the Kremlin and its policies in Chechnya, was gunned down in the elevator of her Moscow apartment building on October 7, 2006. The brutal attack drew worldwide attention to violence against journalists in Russia and caused widespread suspicions of government involvement.

Russia’s top investigative body said it’s filing formal charges today against Lom-Ali Gaitukayev, a native of Chechnya accused of organizing the killing. It said it will also bring new accusations against the suspected triggerman, Rustam Makhmudov and several orther suspects.

Makhmudov’s two brothers and another suspect, former Moscow police officer Sergei Khadzhikurbanov, stood trial on charges of helping stage the killing, but a court found them not guilty in 2009. The Russian Supreme Court overruled the acquittal and has sent the case back to prosecutors. Makhmudov and Gaitukayev – uncle of the Makhmudov brothers – have been detained earlier.

The Investigative Committee said that it will bring new charges today against Khadzhikurbanov and the two Makhmudov brothers, Dzhabrail and Ibragim. Khadzhikurbanov has been in custody, while the two Chechen brothers are free but have been requested not to leave town. The Committee had told the public earlier about the accusations against Gaitukayev and others, and today’s statement was a clear attempt to demonstrate a progress in the case.

The investigators also said that Dmitry Pavlyuchenkov, who was a senior police offficer at the time of the killing, is accused of tracking down Politkovskaya’s movements to help stage the killing. Pavlyuchenkov, who served as a witness during the abortive first trial, was arrested in August.

Politkovskaya’s Novaya Gazeta newspaper has welcomed the detention of the suspected shooter and other suspects, but lamented a slow progress on finding a person who ordered the killing and described Friday’s step as a mere formality. Politkovskaya’s son, Ilya, also criticized authorities for failing to track down the mastermind.

“Five years after we only have suspects accused of staging the killing,” he said, according to RIA Novosti news agency. “It could have been done much earlier. A lot of time has been lost.”

Politkovskaya was killed on birthday of Vladimir Putin, who was serving his second presidential term at the time, and that helped fuel speculations about possible involvement of authorities angered by Politkovskaya’s exposure of atrocities in Chechnya.

“She was challenging the dominant power of the government with her lonely efforts,” Novaya Gazeta said on its front-page carrying a photo of Politkovskaya.

Putin made his first public remarks on Politkovskaya’s death a few days after, saying that she had little influence and that her slaying did more harm to Russia than her articles did. Putin, who turned 59 today, is now Russia’s prime minister and is all but certain to reclaim presidency in next March’s elections.

Earlier this week, Putin’s spokesman Dmitry Peskov dismissed allegations of possible government involvement in Politkovskaya’s killing in remarks broadcast by independent TV station Dozhd (Rain). “People, are you crazy to associate this with Putin?” he said.

Politkovskaya’s colleagues marked the anniversary of her death by opening a Facebook account dedicated to her memory, posting her pictures, books and favorite music.

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NYT: Russia: Officer Charged In 2006 Killing Of A Journalist

Published: September 3, 2011

Investigators have charged a former police officer with providing surveillance information and a murder weapon to the killer of the prominent journalist Anna Politkovskaya, whose shooting death in 2006 brought widespread condemnation of violence against journalists in Russia. But like the earlier arrest of a person suspected of being a gunman, the announcement left unanswered the larger question of who ordered the killing of Ms. Politkovskaya, a crusading reporter who had persisted in writing critical articles about the war in Chechnya. The defendant, Dmitri Pavlyuchenkov, a former lieutenant colonel in a police surveillance unit, has denied the accusation.

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‘Secret Witness’ Detained In Politkovskaya Killing

24 August 2011

By Alexandra Odynova

Investigators have detained the suspected organizer of the murder of journalistAnna Politkovskayain 2006 — who, it turns out, was a mumbling secret witness for prosecutors at a failed trial into her killing.

Politkovskaya’s family and colleagues welcomed the development but said it should have come years ago. They also voiced fears the suspect, retired senior Moscow police investigator Dmitry Pavlyuchenkov, would be made a scapegoat, allowing the still-unidentified mastermind of the killing to evade justice.

Pavlyuchenkov was detained late Tuesday, and a Moscow district court is expected to authorize his arrest Thursday, the Investigative Committee said.

Investigators believe that Pavlyuchenkov arranged the murder of Politkovskaya, a Novaya Gazeta reporter who was shot dead in her apartment building in downtown Moscow, after being contacted by the mastermind, the committee said in astatementWednesday.

The committee did not specify the price of the contract killing but said it “has information about the alleged mastermind of the crime.” No details were available.

The committee said Pavlyuchenkov assembled a team to carry out the killing. Earlier reports said the team comprised three Chechen brothers with the surname Makhmudov — Rustam, Ibragim and Dzhabrail — and a former officer with Moscow police’s anti-mafia department, Sergei Khadzhikurbanov.

Pavlyuchenkov, who served as chief of a Moscow police investigative unit at the time, ordered his police subordinates to trail Politkovskaya to “determine her daily routes around the city,” it said.

He is also suspected of procuring the gun used by the suspected triggerman, Rustam Makhmudov, who spent five years on the run in Europe but was arrested in May upon his return to Chechnya.

The other two Makhmudovs are accused of helping track Politkovskaya, while Khadzhikurbanov is considered a middleman in the case.

The case against the three fell apart when a jury acquitted them in 2009. But the Supreme Court overturned the verdict, prompting a new investigation, which is in progress.

Pavlyuchenkov tried to pin the blame on the team after the killing, testifying against them at the 2009 trial, Novaya GazetasaidWednesday.

He was known as a “secret witness” at the time, speaking to the court from behind closed doors amid fears for his safety. His identity, however, was known to the press from numerous leaks, including by lawyers.

Pavlyuchenkov also implicated Khadzhikurbanov in a separate case, accusing the former officer in 2008 of extorting $350,000 from him, the report said.

Khadzhikurbanov was sentenced to eight years in prison in that case in 2010. Novaya Gazeta speculated that the money might have been payment for Politkovskaya’s killing.

Anna Stavitskaya, a lawyer for Politkovskaya’s son and daughter, praised the latest development Wednesday but said “it could have been done years before.”

She said Pavlyuchenkov had cut a suspicious figure back at the 2009 trial. “He was presented as the main witness who could sway the whole jury, but everyone, myself included, was very surprised and disappointed … by his mumbling,” she told The Moscow Times by telephone.

Novaya Gazeta editor-in-chief, Dmitry Muratov, also backed Pavlyuchenkov’s arrest, saying an independent investigation by the paper had linked him to the killing.

“Pavlyuchenkov set up a business under the former police leadership; anyone could book police surveillance for $100 an hour,” Muratov said in an interview with the Kommersant radio station.

Reporters Without Borders welcomed Pavlyuchenkov’s detention as “a major step that is long overdue.”

“We are pleased that after four years of foot-dragging there now seems to be a real determination to press ahead with the investigation,” the group said in an e-mailed statement.

But both Muratov and Stavitskaya remained skeptical about a smattering of reports Wednesday that investigators were closing in on Pavlyuchenkov’s employer.

“As of now, I regard it as a PR stunt by the investigators,” Stavitskaya said. “Let them find and jail [the mastermind]. Then I’ll reconsider.”

Reporters Without Borders voiced worries that the case might not be seen through to the end. “As it advances, the security services will be strongly tempted to restrict blame to a few people who have already been identified and to close the case as soon as possible,” it said, calling for the investigation to press on and expose the mastermind behind the killing.

Politkovskaya, 48, was known for her biting criticism of the Kremlin, including in the Western media, and her investigative reporting on rights abuses in the country, especially in the North Caucasus.

International human rights groups have championed her killing as a prime example of rampant rights abuse in Russia that they say is condoned by the Kremlin.

Read more:
The Moscow Times

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