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Jamestown Foundation: RUSSIAN POLICIES DRIVE NORTH CAUCASUS INTO ARMS OF REBELS

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From: MSN NicknameEagle_wng  (Original Message)    Sent: 10/9/2005 4:11 PM

RUSSIAN POLICIES DRIVE NORTH CAUCASUS INTO ARMS OF REBELS

By Andrei Smirnov

Friday, May 20, 2005

On May 16 the separatist Kavkazcenter website published a decree from Abdul-Khalim Sadulaev, the new Chechen rebel leader after Aslan Maskhadov’s death in March. Sadulaev ordered the insurgents to establish a new front in the North Caucasus. According to the decree, the “Caucasus Front” will consist of the four republics west of Chechnya (Ingushetia, North Ossetia, Kabardino-Balkaria, and Karachaevo-Cherkessia), and two provinces populated mostly by ethnic Russians: Krasnodar Krai and Stavropol Krai (Kavkazcenter, May 16). Recently Doku Umarov, a senior Chechen field commander, announced that the separatist forces are changing their tactics and would attack outside Chechnya (see Chechnya Weekly, May 11).

These statements forced the Russian authorities to step up their countermeasures. On May 13, Nikolai Rogozhkin, commander of the Russian Interior (MVD) troops, announced that MVD troops would be increased in the cities of Elista (Kalmyikia), Cherkessk (Karachaevo-Cherkessia), Nalchik (Kabardino-Balkaria) and Sochi (Interfax, May 13). The following day Rogozhkin went to personally inspect the preparations for the deployment (yufo.ru, May 14). On May 16, Dmitry Kozak, the Russian presidential envoy to the Southern Federal District, made a short, top-secret visit to Nalchik to meet Valery Kokov, the president of Kabardino-Balkaria, and members of the local government (yufo.ru, May 16). A press release subsequently said that the meeting examined, “The perspectives of the social and economic development of the republic,” but the closed-door nature of the meeting suggests that Kozak and Kokov discussed a quite different issue: what could be done to prevent insurgent attacks in the region.

In fact, Russian security officials do more than anyone else to promote the North Caucasus insurgents. The rebels themselves could not take the war beyond the borders of Chechnya if they did not have at least some local support. More then 200 Ingush took part in the raid to Ingushetia in June 2004, the first real operation organized by rebels from Chechnya in recent years. These Ingush fighters joined the Chechen separatist groups because of the numerous kidnappings and secret detentions conducted by federal forces in the republic. The federal authorities believed that repression would stop the Ingush population from helping the Chechen fighters hiding in the region, but the actual result was the formation of an independent, armed Ingush resistance against the local and Russian authorities.

Late last year, the same process started to develop in Dagestan and again it was stimulated by lawlessness of siloviki. On December 21, 2004, residents of several Dagestani villages blocked the Kavkaz highway to demand the release of their relatives who had been snatched during night raids in the villages. The protestors issued a statement reading, “We are residents of Khasavyurt, Novolak, and Kizilurt regions, and we are certain that Dagestani law-enforcement agencies, together with the federal security services and security services of the Chechen republic, are involved in kidnappings in the territory of Dagestan. If our demand is not met, we reserve the right to use all possible means to fight against state terrorism. Illegal persecution is a crime and a form of genocide (Kavkazcenter, December 21, 2004).

Their demands went unmet and night raids continued in Dagestan (see EDM, May 12). On April 28, another protest took place in Makhachkala, the capital, where people blamed the Federal Security Service (FSB) for kidnappings (regnum, April 28). On May 14 residents of the Kizlyar region in northern Dagestan blocked the road near Kizlyar (Kavkaztsky uzel, May 14). Their demands are the same: to release men detained by security services.

While some Dagestanis still hope to get justice by nonviolent means, others have become rebels. This atmosphere helps rebel leaders like Shamil Basaev, who are recruiting young men to their cause. On May 11, two persons were arrested in Khasavyurt for recruiting soldiers for the rebel army (regnum, May 11).

Federal agents have become more cautious about detaining locals in Ingushetia, but they still suppress legal opposition. Protest rallies for the resignation of Ingush president Murat Zyazikov were banned and the organizer arrested. The rebels immediately took advantage of the situation. “Musa,” an Ingush rebel commander, appealed to the Ingush through the Kavkazcenter website, explaining the uselessness of nonviolence and calling for jihad (Kavkazcenter, April 30).

In Kabardino-Balkaria, people are now persecuted on both ethnic and religious grounds. On April 19, police arrested a group of female students at Nalchik University for reading the Koran in a classroom (regnum, April 20). The Muslim-dominated region nearly exploded because of this incident.

In the early hours of May 15, Arthur Zokaev, chief administrator for the village of Khasanya, was shot dead near his house. Zokaev was a leader of the Balkar minority movement, who oppose efforts to incorporate some of the republic’s Balkar-populated areas into Nalchik district. If this reform is carried out, the Balkars will loose even the minimal autonomy they now enjoy. After Zokaev’s assassination, the Balkars tried to organize a protest rally in the capital, but police blocked all roads to Nalchik (Caucasus Times, May 16).

The Council of the Balkar Nation, a non-government group, appealed to the president of Kabardino-Balkaria, asking him to personally supervise the murder investigation, else Balkar youth could behave recklessly (Caucasus Times, May 17). Their appeal may have come too late. According to sources in the republic, Balkar young men are joining Yarmuk, the local armed rebel group, in unprecedented numbers.

Popular support helps the insurgents to widen the war zone and to create new sectors of military and terrorist activities. At the same time, federal security officials continue to “successfully” fight against terrorism in Chechnya without noticing that the “war on terror” is already well under way throughout the North Caucasus.
http://jamestown.org/edm/article.php?article_id=2369779

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Prague Watchdog: The Chechens, But Not As Solzhenitsyn Knew Them

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December 4th 2008 · Prague Watchdog / Valentin Tudan





The Chechens, but not as Solzhenitsyn knew them

The Chechens, but not as Solzhenitsyn knew them

Valentin Tudan, special to Prague Watchdog


The other day a Chechen friend (let us call him Ruslan) who has spent about seven years living in Europe told me an interesting story. Like many of his compatriots outside Russia who closely follow events at home and regularly communicate by telephone with family and friends, he has suddenly noticed that he is beginning to feel respect for Ramzan Kadyrov, though previously he viewed him as a criminal and upstart.


In course of the past year my friend has come to believe that Chechnya’s current leader has brought his people true prosperity. Although he has used harsh measures to do so, Kadyrov has succeeded in imposing order, in forcing the Chechens, who were mired in anarchy, to bow their heads to the sanction of the law and, most importantly, in solving their most painful problem – that of security – by curbing the arbitrary violence of the federal power structures.


As a result, Ruslan felt that he wanted to visit Chechnya, in order to see with his own eyes the wonderful changes that have taken place within the republic. He shared his plans with relatives on the phone, expecting that the news of his forthcoming arrival would be a source of overwhelming delight to his nearest and dearest, from whom fate had separated him for many a long year.


And here Ruslan experienced a shock. Instead of joy, he discovered fear. Everyone with whom he attempted to discuss the trip suddenly and heatedly began to try to dissuade him from making it. Little by little, Ruslan realized that people were afraid of the problems that would overtake them all at the moment he turned up in Chechnya.


These reactions had a sobering effect on my friend. “Nothing like this has never happened before,” he said. “One has only to read Solzhenitsyn in order to understand that even in exile the Chechens behaved like free people.”


Ruslan was educated as a historian, and he was once a fierce supporter of independence, though today he no longer feels his old enthusiasm. But at any rate the ideal of freedom – both the one he brought with him out of Chechnya, and the one that became filled with new meaning during his seven years of life in Europe – has not been overshadowed for him, but has remained an important and relevant part of his life. However, his case is something of an exception.


Most of the people who emigrated from Chechnya fled the hardships of war, which seemed to have no end. What those people needed was not freedom, but peace and prosperity for themselves and their children. Today, when a relative though very specific kind of order has been restored to Chechnya, when the war has rolled far back into the mountains and is barely felt in most of the republic’s towns and villages, those same people have come to put their trust in the new Chechen government and have begun to go home. Their return is a process which during the past year or so has increasingly acquired the character of a mass migration.


The case of Umar Khambiyev, one of the Moscow-backed Chechen government’s fiercest critics and formerly the Ichkerian presidential envoy to Europe, is fairly typical. Khambiyev was sure that he had left Chechnya for ideological reasons. He was part of Maskhadov’s government, and a consistent defender of an independent Ichkeria. But what was the meaning invested in the concept of “independence” during all the years when that slogan emblazoned the banners of the self-proclaimed republic?


First of all, a chance to secure freedom from the social and political order that developed in the Soviet era. That order was founded on the diktat of the type of government traditionally associated with Russia, one which promoted Russian-speaking professionals and bureaucrats to all the leading posts. The Chechens were left with secondary roles, at least in the areas connected with education, medicine, science, technology – all the fields that enjoyed such a high status in those years.


A second, equally important element was linked with the chance of obtaining legal status for adat, the ethical code of the mountain-dwellers – the “law of the ancestors” which included both traditional and Islamic norms of conduct and social life. For the most part these had been rejected by the Soviet government as remnants of tribalism, community-kin structure and elements of the alien legal system of Islam.


That social order was broken by Dudayev. The manner in which this took place is a separate issue. But the Chechens received an opportunity to manage their own state and live by their own laws. After the start of the second Chechen war, many were confident that the return of the Soviet format was inevitable, that Putin was the very incarnation of the Soviet system – with stringent measures he would re-establish the familiar system, once again putting the dominant positions into the hands of Chechnya’s Russian-speaking population for decades. It was precisely this to which many “Ichkerians” were unwilling to consent, as they had already tasted the right to own their native land.


But all the talk of the return of the “Russians” proved to be merely a scarecrow with which the Chechens frightened themselves and Europe.


Chechnya is still in the hands of the Chechens. They lead the republic, and in all the other posts the traditional ways are being revived, for better or for worse. That is why the demand for sovereignty and freedom (not in the fundamental sense of those concepts, but at the level of Dudayev’s slogans) is fully respected in Kadyrov’s Chechnya. That is why for most “Ichkerians” Chechnya is once again fit for human habitation.


In conclusion, I would like to observe that there is still a certain wariness in the behaviour of today’s Chechens. A female Russian human rights worker who recently returned from Grozny told me that fear is the dominant emotion in the republic, it pervades all conversations, it can be felt at the level of reflexes, when a person is afraid to say the wrong thing in his or her own kitchen.


However, she said that they voluntarily accept the Kadyrov regime with all its bullying and intimidation, believing it to be preferable to war, which has remained in their memory as their biggest nightmare. And yet for the Chechens family ties have always been a territory to which the government is barred entry. In the past, fear did not operate within the family. But now the inconceivable is happening there.


The picture is borrowed from the website Funny-animals-2007.



(Translation by DM)

 

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Rebels Launch Large Raid on Nalchik

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From: eagle_wng
Rebels Launch Large Raid on Nalchik

10/13/2005 – Rebels in Kabardino-Balkaria tried to seize all of the buildings of the republic’s power structures in the capital, Nalchik. The attack was carried out by large group of what the authorities called “religious extremist-Wahhabis.” According to official estimates, 150-300 rebels were involved the attack. However, Kavkazky Uzel website reported that up to 600 were involved in the raid. The separatist Daymohk website reported that the raid was carried out by “mujahideen” of the “Caucasus Front.” As newsru.com noted, the “Caucasus Front” was established along with five others—the Dagestani, eastern, western, northern, and Grozny fronts—on the orders of Chechen separatist leader Abdul-Khalim Sadulaev.

According to official reports, as of approximately 5:30 PM Moscow time October 13, a minimum of 50 rebel fighters and 12 civilians had been killed in the fighting, while another 88 people had been hospitalized with wounds. The Chechen separatists claimed that some 110 law-enforcement personnel were killed in the raid. At the same time, Russian media were reporting that seven rebel fighters were blockaded inside one police station while another two were blockaded inside a store in the center of Nalchik. Ten rebel fighters were reportedly killed in the center of the city near the Leningrad sanatorium, including two snipers who had been firing from the sanatorium’s roof. The remaining rebels reportedly retreated to the northern sector of Nalchik and were attempting to escape into the mountains. Various media reported that several people who had been taken hostage by the raiders managed to escape. The Regnum information agency reported that two female hostages had managed to escape from a building located across from the Kabardino-Balkaria branch of the Federal Security Service (FSB) while their rebel captors were praying. One of the freed women said that rebels barricaded inside the building were holding a third woman hostage.

Deputy Interior Minister Aleksandr Chekalin met with President Vladimir Putin and reported that Putin ordered that Nalchik be completely blocked in order to prevent even a single rebel fighter from escaping the city, newsru.com reported. Putin also gave a shoot-to-kill order for anyone armed or mounting resistance.

Newsru.com, citing an unnamed staffer at the Chechenskoe obschestvo (Chechen Society) newspaper, reported that Shamil Basaev might have been among the rebels killed in the raid. Citing a source in the republican Federal Security Service (FSB) branch, the website reported that the Chechen rebel warlord had not been officially identified among the dead but that he was part of a rebel unit that attacked the Nalchik Airport in an attempt to seize a plane. The attack on the airport, apparently the opening act in the Nalchik raid, was reportedly beaten back and Basaev’s group blockaded. Viktor Ilyukhin, deputy chairman of the State Duma’s Security Committee, claimed in an interview with Ekho Moskvy that the Nalchik raid was organized by Basaev and that he had been in Nalchik three days earlier and discussed the plan with fighters there. Ilyukhin cited “operational information” but did not specify his source and said the information was still being verified. He added, however, that the raid was a “rebellion with goal of seizing power in the region.”

The president of Kabardino-Balkaria, Arsen Kanokov, who was appointed the republic’s leader a month ago, said on Ekho Moskvy radio that 12 rebel fighters had been captured alive and that they were “members of the jamaat.” Kanokov did not specify whether they were members of the “Yarmuk” Jamaat, which claimed responsibility for the December 2004 attack on a regional branch of the Federal Drug Control Service (FSKN) in Nalchik that killed four of that agency’s employees (see Chechnya Weekly, January 13, February 2, May 4). Late last month, Kanokov said that religious extremism in the republic is not a mass phenomenon and has no deep roots (see Chechnya Weekly, October 6).

Sergei Goncharov, head of the association of veterans of the “Alpha” elite commando unit, wrote in a piece posted on the Ezhenedelny zhurnal website, ej.ru, that there is not a single republic of the North Caucasus in which the law-enforcement system functions properly. The situation in these republics is characterized by “complete corruption” and generalized “treason,” he wrote. “Therefore it is laughable to talk about any kind of system for confronting the militants. I would not want in this regard to come off like a prophet and say that such instances are possible every day, but the system is obvious here.” Kabardino-Balkaria, said Goncharov, is a region in which political power struggles are actively going on. “Today a battle is underway for the financial flows coming from the federal center,” he wrote. “A clan-teip war is going on…If the central authorities wanted to impose order, they would have done so a long time ago…But whether the center is able or wants to do this – this is not a question for me. As for the actions that are necessary to take now in Nalchik: of course the militants have to be destroyed and those heads of the republic’s law-enforcement system who allowed this to happen must be punished. But if these people simply transfer from one position to another, this will be completely useless.”

Russian media reported that an October 9 raid in which law-enforcement personnel in Kabardino-Balkaria discovered 500 kilograms of explosives along with a large number of grenade launcher projectiles and cartridges at an idle concrete factory in Nalchik was a “alarming signal” that a large-scale attack was being planned. Law-enforcement officials reported on October 10 that the cache contained 245 kilograms of ammonium nitrate, 320 kilograms of a mixture of ammonium nitrate and aluminum powder, eight kilograms of hexogen, five TNT blocks weighing 1.4 kilograms, 14 grenade launcher projectiles, five grenades and about 1,000 cartridges of varying calibers. On October 8, a spokesman for Kabardino-Balkaria’s Interior Ministry told Interfax that two “religious extremists” who had been arrested earlier, Anzor Zhamgurazov and Zaur Shogenov, confessed that they were planning to carry out a terrorist attack at Nalchik Airport at the behest of Anzor Astemirov, who is the target of a federal arrest warrant issued in connection with the December 2004 attack on the FSKN regional office in Nalchik. According to the Interior Ministry source, Shogenov resisted arrest, ramming his car into a police vehicle, and was shot in the leg as he was trying to throw an RGD-5 grenade at his captors.

Posted By: Jamestown
http://www.jamestown.org/news_details.php?news_id=143

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В свет вышел Адыгский календарь на 2009 год.

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В свет вышел Адыгский календарь на 2009 год.


 


Очередной Адыгэ Махуэгъэпс на 2009 год вышел в свет несколько дней назад. На этот раз дизайн календаря разработан в светлых тонах, где на фоне карты исторической Черкесии стоят участники конного перехода «Зек1уэ» посвященного 300-летию победы Кабарды в Канжальской битве и признанию независимости республик Абхазия и Южная Осетия. В создании календаря приняли участие: Союз Абхазских Добровольцев КБР, Союз Ветеранов Афганистана КБР, Всемирное Адыгское Братство, Культурный Центр «Джегуако» и адыгское спутниковое телевидение НАРТ ТВ.


В нем нашли отражения знаменательные исторические даты на 2009 год:


460 лет взятия кабардинскими войсками Астрахани (1549г.);


365 лет разгрома калмыцкого войска в Кабарде (1644г.);


280 лет разгрома крымского войска в Кабарде (1729г.);


270 лет провозглашения независимости и государственности Кабарды, по условиям Белградского мирного договора (18-го сентября 1739г.);


180 лет  первого покорения горы Эльбрус (5642м) кабардинцем Киларом Хашировым (8-11 июля 1829г);


145 лет окончания Русско-Кавказской войны (1763-1864гг.).


Все эти даты являются значимыми для памяти адыгского народа, но хотелось бы выделить одну дату вызывающую особый интерес. 180-летие первого покорения горы Эльбрус кабардинцем Киларом Хашировым становится очередным культурно-массовым проектом республиканской общественности.


Общественными организациями и Адыгэ Хасэ КБР были внесены предложения по празднованию данного юбилея с республиканским размахом:


1.                  Проведение Всероссийской научно-практической конференции «Подвиг кабардинца Килара Хаширова» (КБИГИ);


2.                  Массовое восхождение на Эльбрус с участием зарубежных альпинистов, посвященное 180-летию со дня первого покорения высочайшей вершины Европы (Госкомспорт КБР);


3.                  Издание сборника воспоминаний участников экспедиции на Эльбрус в июле 1829 года (главы из книги Жан-Шарля де Бесса, доклад Адольфом Куперфером, рапорт генерала Г. Эмануэля от 30.07.1829г. и др.);


4.                  Сооружение в Нальчике памятника кабардинцу Килару Хаширову (Минкультуры КБР, Администрация города);


5.                  Создание научно-популярного документального телевизионного фильма об экспедиции 1829 года и первовосходителе на Эльбрус Киларе Хаширове (Минкультуры КБР, ТВ КБР);


6.                  Проведение конкурсов «Легенда о Киларе» писателей, журналистов, художников КБР КЧР И РА (союз писателей и художников КБР, редакция газеты «Адыгэ Псалъэ»);


7.                  Присвоение одной из безымянных горных вершин имени Килара Хаширова


8.                  Выставка «Подвиг Хаширова» (Национальный Музей КБР)


9.                  Проведение спортивных мероприятий на призы первовосходителя на Эльбрус Килара Хаширова


10.              Освещение в СМИ подвига К.Хаширова;


11.              Выпуск фотоальбома о роде Киляровых-Хашировых и т.п.


Создатели календаря на 2009 год уверены, что он украсит любое помещение, где его повесят. Знать свою историю и гордиться достижениями своих соотечественников должен каждый.


 «Адыгэ Махуэгъэпс 2009» вы можете приобрести в книжных магазинах города Нальчика, в Адыгэ Унэ, у представителей Всемирного Адыгского Братства, у представителей Пятигорской Студенческой Адыгэ Хасэ (ПСАХ), у представителей Молодежной Хасэ Черкесска, а также в Культурном Центре «Джегуако». Часть прибыли от продажи календарей будет распределена нуждающимся семьям абхазских добровольцев КБР.


По вопросам распространения календарей и помощи подобным проектам вы можете обращаться в Культурный Центр «Джегуако» по адресу ул. Кулиева 12, ДК Профсоюзов, 2-й этаж, тел. (8662) 400-255.


 



Всемирное Адыгское Братство


www.adygaunion.com  

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Kavkaz Center: Moscow Increased The Number Of “killed” Mujahideen

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From: Eagle_wng

Moscow increased the number of “killed” Mujahideen

As assumed by the editorial staff of Kavkaz Center, Moscow decided to increase the number of “killed” Mujahideen in order to decrease the number of killed innocent civilians. As Interior Minister of the RF Nurgaliyev asserts, 72 Mujahideen were allegedly killed and more than 30 were captured during the fighting in Nalchik.

The number of killed innocent civilians in these events was declared not to be more than 12 people. Their own losses were estimated to be 24 people by Nurgaliyev.

Thus happened what had been predicted. Let us recall that the occupiers in the morning still reported that 12-24 civilians and 60 Mujahideen had been killed. Now the number of killed citizens was reduced by 12 and the number of “killed” Mujahideen increased respectively.

At the same time, according to the command of the Caucasian Front, at least 80 citizens were killed during the fighting in Nalchik. It is now obvious that Moscow used the same tactics as it has used in Chechnya for many years. The innocent civilians killed in Nalchik are recorded as “fighters”.

Kavkaz Center News

2005-10-14 16:49:40

http://www.kavkazcenter.com/eng/content/2005/10/14/4151.shtml

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Window On Eurasia: Federation Council Creates Special Commission On North Caucasus

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Tuesday, December 9, 2008


 

Window on Eurasia: Federation Council Creates Special Commission on North Caucasus



Paul Goble

Tallinn, December 9 – The rapidly deteriorating situation in the North Caucasus has prompted the upper house of the Russian parliament to create a special commission to track developments there and come up with recommendations on how to prevent that restive region from spinning out of control.
Aleksandr Torshin, the first vice speaker of the Federation Council, told “Vedomosti” in remarks published yesterday that the new body will include the heads of the legislative assemblies of the seven North Caucasus republics as well as senators, Duma deputies and representatives of the economic, force and intelligence agencies.
It will be led by an executive commission consisting of seven senators, he said, initially include as advisory members representatives of the parliaments of South Ossetia, Abkhazia, Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia and ultimately Turkey and Iran, Torshin said, adding that he had asked that a smaller commission created after the 2004 Nazran events be disbanded. (www.vedomosti.ru/newspaper/article.shtml?2008/12/08/172581).
That earlier body, which was created with some fanfare four years ago, has done little or nothing in recent months, Ingushetia senator Isa Kostoyev said. But despite that precedent Torshin argued that the new commission would play a role in coming up with new ideas on how to stabilize the situation (www.vedomosti.ru/newspaper/article.shtml?2008/12/08/172581).
Indeed, he compared it to the Caucasus Bureau (Kavburo) of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party that existed between 1920 and 1922 under the chairmanship of Sergey Kirov. But that comparison, although it provided the title for the “Vedomosti” article, is almost certainly a stretch.
The Soviet precedent was not a consultative or legislative body. Instead, that body was an executive representative of the RKP Central Committee that was empowered to direct and give orders to all party organizations and Soviet officials in the North Caucasus in the name of Moscow (www.newsru.com/russia/08dec2008/kavburo.html).
Indeed, some senators are already suggesting that the new group, however powerful it may appear on paper, is in fact insufficient given the explosiveness of the situation. Kostoyev, for example, said that what ought to be created were special “mobile operational-investigative groups.”
And experts on the region are even more skeptical about the new body. Sergey Markedonov, one of the most thoughtful Moscow specialists on the region, said that the new body is likely to do little more than “collect the FSB and Interior Ministry reports that in the Caucasus everything is bad.”
That won’t get anyone very far, he implied, and argued that “the first task” of the Russian government, including the legislature, “is to recognize that the struggle against them in Daghestan and Ingushetia is being conducted not by bandits but by politically motivated people” and to work “to understand their political motivation.”
Other observers are skeptical that the new organization will do anything at all. Sergey Petrunin, who writes for Sobkorr.ru, argues that the situation is so bad now, not only the traditional hotspots but across the region, that the new group is unlikely to do more than register what everyone already knows (www.sobkorr.ru/news/493CE877BFD89.html).
But as dangerous as that would be, the situation may soon get even worse. Pavel Felgengauer, the distinguished military affairs analyst for “Novaya gazeta,” wrote yesterday that Moscow may soon have no choice but to launch another war in the Caucasus if it is to maintain its position there (www.novayagazeta.ru/data/2008/91/17.html).
And at least some in the Russian capital may be planning to do just that: Russia’s Alpinist Federation announced this week that it is trainings tens of thousands of troops for operations in the mountains. The North Caucasus region would seem to be their likely first destination (www.mignews.com/news/society/cis/041208_110220_09397.html).

Posted by Paul Goble at 12:59 AM

 

http://windowoneurasia.blogspot.com/2008/12/window-on-eurasia-federation-council.html

 

 

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Itar-Tass: Special Operation In Makhachkala Over, 3 Militants Killed

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From: Eagle_wng

Special operation in Makhachkala over, 3 militants killed
25.10.2005, 04.45

MAKHACHKALA, October 25 (Itar-Tass) – A more-than-nine hours-long special police operation against militants on Nasrudinov Street here is over.

An officer on duty at the city police department has told Itar-Tass Tuesday, “Three militants have been killed. A procedure to identify them is under way”.

According to existing data, two policemen were wounded in the gunbattle. A field investigation team is currently at work in the four-room ground-floor apartment, which the militants rented.

There has been no official comment on the special operation so far.

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