Window On Eurasia: Two-Thirds Of Russians Favor Retaining Symbols Of Communist Era

Monday, December 22, 2008


 

Window on Eurasia: Two-Thirds of Russians Favor Retaining Symbols of Communist Era



Paul Goble

Vienna, December 22 – Sixty-five percent of Russians say that the symbols of the communist past – including the names of streets and squares, the hammer and cycle and memorials) “must be preserved” as part of their national history, according to the results of a poll released today.
In a poll conducted in November, the All-Russian Center for the Study of Public Opinion (VTsIOM), an agency reputed to be close to the Kremlin, said that only one Russian in five – 20 percent – felt these symbols were “survivals of the past” and should be replaced by others (wciom.ru/novosti/press-vypuski/press-vypusk/single/11144.html).
And only one in 20 – five percent – of the sample said that these symbols should be restored in those cases when they have been replaced over the last 20 years, a possible indication that the intensity of attachment to many of these symbolically loaded things is not as great as the overall finding might suggest.
Not surprisingly, supporters of Just Russia and respondents over 45 were “more inclined” to suggest that the symbols of communist should be preserved (81 percent and 71-73 percent respectively), while those who want to replace these symbols were more frequently found among supporters of United Russia and Zhirinovsky’s LDPR and among the young (35 percent).
Three out of five Russians oppose tearing down monuments to communist officials, although 12 percent say that at least some of them should be moved from their current locations to perhaps less prominent ones. Only eight percent of the sample suggested that these monuments should be destroyed.
Intriguingly, residents of large cities, who are sometimes thought to be more liberal, were slightly more opposed to tearing down such monuments than was the sample as a whole, 69 percent to 60 percent respectively. But Muscovites and Petersburgers were among the most favorably inclined to moving such monuments from their current sites.
Whether these findings will play a role in the possible reburial of Soviet state founder Vladimir Lenin is unclear. That has been a matter of intense debate among Russians for most of the past 20 years. But the VTsIOM results do highlight three important realities, which have both positive and negative consequences for the future.
First, and taken as a whole, the VTsIOM results suggest that an increasing number of Russians may be less intensely concerned about this aspect of the Soviet past than they were, willing to treat these Soviet-era symbols as part of their history rather than as defining features of their lives now and in the future.
Second – and this is important for countries like Estonia which have moved Soviet-era monuments – there is far more support for doing so in the Russian Federation than most Moscow officials have suggested in their comments about Tallinn’s action with regard to the Bronze Soldier a year ago.
And third – and in sharp contrast to the expectations of many democratic activists and Western well-wishers – many Russians have yet to come to terms with the Soviet past, something that guarantees that Moscow politicians will continue to try to exploit the attachment to it and that that often ugly past will play a larger role than it should in the future.





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RFE/RL: [Russia: Lawyer Of Nalchik Detainee Says Suspects Being Tortured]





From: Eagle_wng  (Original Message) Sent: 12/7/2005 12:50 PM







Russia: Lawyer Of Nalchik Detainee Says Suspects Being Tortured













Rasul Kudaev, before and after (Courtesy Photo)
Rasul Kudaev, before and after his arrest
(RFE/RL)

Aminat Kardanova and Jean-Christophe Peuch

Tuesday, 06 December 2005

The U.S.-based pressure group Human Rights Watch recently accused security forces in Russia’s North Caucasus republic of Kabardino-Balkariya of using abuse and ill-treatment to coerce confessions from suspects detained over October’s militant raids on the regional capital Nalchik. Lawyers for people arrested in the wake of the attack now say they have evidence their clients are being tortured in police custody.


Prague, 6 December 2005 (RFE/RL) — Pictures are circulating of Rasul Kudaev before and after his arrest following the deadly Nalchik raids.
 
Before, Kudaev is at home, looking relaxed and happy.
 
After, Kudaev is almost unrecognizable, with the lower part of his face swollen to grotesque proportions.
 
His lawyer, Aleksandra Zernova, along with other Russian lawyers have sent 15 such photographs to Western media and human rights organizations.
 
Several Russian news outlets — including the “Gazeta” daily and the “newsru.com” information site — have published some of the photographs.
 
Zernova said the pictures are irrefutable evidence that Kudaev and fellow Nalchik detainees — all arrested on suspicion of ties with Islamic militants — are being tortured.
 
Speaking with RFE/RL’s North Caucasus Service by telephone from London, Zernova accused authorities in Kabardino-Balkariya of lying to relatives and lawyers about the conditions in which the detainees are being held.
 
“The chief doctor at the detention facility where Rasul is being held has repeatedly told Rasul’s mother that everything was fine with her son, that no one was tormenting him,” Zernova said. “Now, with these photographs, we can see for ourselves. We have evidence that authorities are telling us utter lies.”
 
But Zernova said authorities continue to deny the detainees are being tortured despite the publication of the photographs.
 
“They say no violation has been committed. Rasul’s mother, Fatima Tekaeva, last Friday (2 December) was summoned to the regional prosecutor’s office,” Zernova said. “People there asked her why she thinks her son is being abused. They told her she had no evidence to sustain her claims. And all this came after these photographs had been published in the press.”
 
This is not Kudaev’s first arrest. He was detained in Afghanistan in 2001 on suspicion of ties with the country’s ousted ruling Taliban militia. The U.S. military command later sent him to the U.S. military prison in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba.
 
Kudaev and other Russian Guantanamo detainees were released in May 2004 after U.S. military authorities reportedly found the evidence against them inconclusive.
 
They were then moved to a detention facility in the southern Russian city of Pyatigorsk before being authorized to return home.
 
But Kudaev’s brother Arsen told RFE/RL’s North Caucasus Service that was not the end of their troubles.
 
“When they were released from Pyatigorsk, people from the [Russian] Prosecutor-General’s Office told them this was not a farewell and that they would see each other soon,” Kudaev said. “And that proved to be true. [Even before 23 October], they came periodically to take Rasul away.”
 
Arsen Kudaev recalled on episode when armed men wearing masks assaulted his brother before hauling him away in a car with no registration plates.
 
“They beat him up near our house before throwing him into a car and taking him away to the [Interior Ministry’s] anti-organized crime directorate,” Kudaev said. “They released him only after Aleksandra Zernova had started calling people from London to inquire where he was. They released him after four hours without bringing any charges. They kept him four hours and released him. Our mother wrote to the [republican] prosecutor’s office to complain, and the only answer she got was a note saying these people had done nothing illegal and that Rasul had not been physically abused.”
 
Human-rights campaigners in Kabardino-Balkariya say the October raid on Nalchik has triggered a new wave of harassment against Muslims whose observance falls outside the republic’s strictures of official Islam.
 
Nearly all eyewitness accounts of the raid suggest the attack was carried out by young Nalchik residents led by a small group of experienced fighters. People in Nalchik say many of the attackers were young Muslim dissidents who had long been enduring police abuse and turned to violence out of despair.
 
Russian authorities have admitted to arresting nearly 50 people in connection with the Nalchik raid.
 
But rights campaigners believe the number of detainees is much higher. Claims that some people died in police custody have not been independently verified.
 
In a report released last month, Human Rights Watch said at least eight people detained on suspicion of ties to the October raids were subjected to ill treatment “that in some cases may amount to torture.”
 
The group called upon Russian law-enforcement agencies to stop using torture in security operations officially aimed at fighting terrorism.
 
But reports from the region suggest little has changed.
 
Arsen Kudaev said what happened to his brother is not an isolated case. Many people, he added, have also disappeared without a trace, and “no one knows where they are.”




  

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The Other Russia: Russian Police Bracing For Demonstrations


Russian Police Bracing For Demonstrations





Police in Russia are worried that the economic crisis may lead to widespread public disturbances and crime. As the Nezavisimaya Gazeta reports, national guard forces are being sent to reinforce local militsiya in towns hit hard by sweeping layoffs. Towns with a single major employer, like Magnitogorsk and its metallurgical complex, are the primary focus of the relocation. The Magnitogorsk smelter has laid off some 3800 employees in the past three months, and 1000 more workers may lose their jobs in the near future.


Gennady Gudkov, the deputy chair of the State Duma Security Committee, told the newspaper that the effects of the crisis were constantly growing. “It could happen,” he said, “that no amount of Internal Forces will be enough.”


The main office of the Internal Forces, Russia’s equivalent of a national guard, denied that troops were being moved. Interior Ministry press-secretary Vasily Panchenkov said enough units were already in place, but added that OMON special forces could be sent in if public meetings and demonstrations turned violent.


The paper also notes an increase in suicides related to job loss and the economic crisis.


On December 24th, the Levada Center polling agency published a new opinion survey, which indicates that more than 21 million Russians were prepared to join in mass-protests. The poll asked 1600 people in 46 regions about the likelihood that demonstrations would take place near where they live, and asked whether the respondent would join in the protest. 23 percent said protests were likely, and 20 percent said they would most likely participate, a slight increase from the first half of the year.


 

http://www.theotherrussia.org/2008/12/26/russian-police-bracing-for-demonstrations/

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NEW PROPAGANDA TOOL

Image from www.lenta.ru

Image from www.lenta.ru
Russia Today Channel Goes Live

Created: 10.12.2005 19:29 MSK (GMT +3), Updated: 19:29 MSK > document.write(get_ago(1134232146)); </SCRIPT> , 17 hours 49 minutes ago

MosNews
A 24-hour, English-language, state-funded television channel went live from its Moscow studios on Saturday, designed to broadcast news from a Russian perspective around the globe, the Reuters news agency reported.

At 4 p.m. Moscow time the countdown clock and swirling orange graphics melted away and the anchor welcomed viewers to Russia Today — “from Russia to the world.” The launch comes amid growing Western criticism of Moscow’s attitude to democracy and the rule of law, while Kremlin officials complain the foreign media misrepresent Russia.

The first bulletin led on a health scandal close to home — an investigation into how blood supplies in the southern Russian city Voronezh became contaminated with the HIV virus.

Bird flu in Ukraine and the fate of four Western hostages being held in Iraq followed before the channel ran teasers for some of its feature programs, including a German artist who lives on the ruins of a Soviet collective farm.

The channel also looked at how some former Soviet countries were rewriting children’s history books now they are independent from Moscow.

“We will mainly have Russian news, but we will also show international events and express them from our point of view here,” Margarita Simonyan, Russia Today’s editor-in-chief, told the Interfax news agency.

Russia’s image abroad deteriorated after what many foreigners saw as the politically-motivated arrest and trial of oil tycoon Mikhail Khodorkovsky. More recently a draft law that would tighten state control over charities and pro-democracy groups operating in Russia caused consternation.

Russian media have debated how far the new channel will stray from the Kremlin’s line on sensitive issues such as the simmering violence in Chechnya.

Simonyan has said Russia Today will offer “objective and interesting” reporting. The channel has offices in London, Washington, Paris and Jerusalem and plans to open more soon, said Simonyan, a former Kremlin correspondent for state TV channel Rossiya.
 
http://www.mosnews.com/news/2005/12/10/rtlaunched.shtml

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PRIMA-News: ”Transformations In Ingushetia A Model For Solving Problems Of Entire North Caucasus”

28.12.2008 22:39 MSK

”Transformations in Ingushetia A Model for Solving Problems of Entire North Caucasus”










RUSSIA, Moscow. The transformations in Ingushetia are a model for solving the problems of the entire North Caucasus, according to chair of the Moscow Helsinki Group Liudmila Alekseyeva and Moscow Helsinki Group member and head of the “Social Partnership” Foundation Valerii Borshchev. Addressing a press conference held in the Independent Press Centre on 26 December, they noted that the incidence of kidnappings in the republic appeared to have fallen.

If a person is abducted, Yunus-Bek Yevkurov, who has become president of Ingushetia following the resignation of Murat Ziazikov, travels promptly to the scene of the crime and demands that the militia initiate an urgent search, Liudmila Alekseyeva explained. In September, during a previous trip to Ingushetia, she visited the “Mashr” organisation, where she spoke with relatives of the kidnapped and was presented with 42 petitions on missing persons, she said. On this occasion she received only six such petitions, admittedly relating to a shorter time frame. In two of these six cases the missing persons had been located. They were found to have been kidnapped by local militiamen who had subsequently been dismissed from the militia and who were currently under investigation.

Rights-defenders have reported the discovery of a collective grave in the republic; searches are to be launched for similar graves in North Osetia.

Ingushetian civil society activists, such as Musa Pliev, Maksharip Aushev, and Magomed Khazbiev, who were engaged in rights-defence and oppositional activity during Ziazikov’s rule, are working together with the new president. Musa Pliev has become an advisor to Yunus-Bek Yevkurov. Ingushetia is a small republic, where people tend to know one another. The former oppositionists do not have any connection to the armed underground, but they are striving to communicate directly to the fighters the idea that it is essential to cease attacks on militiamen and state officials. By the time the rights-defenders arrived in the republic, no violent actions had been observed there for around 10 days.

Ingushetia is one of 50 federal subjects where a public observation commission for supervising the militia and prisons has been formed, Valerii Borshchev reported. In general, this republic is notable for its civil society, he emphasised, citing the mass collection of signatures of people who did not vote in the elections, although the official turn-out result was 99 percent.

In conversation with the rights-defenders, Yunus-Bek Yevkurov admitted that corruption was Ingushetia’s main problem. Speaking at the press conference, the rights-defenders focused on concrete examples of corruption of which they had become aware during their visit. None of the republic’s major enterprises is operational, and 80 percent of the republic’s budgetary revenue is comprised of grants. Thus, 800 million roubles was released for the construction of stopes in Malgobekskii district; 700 million have been spent, and yet no construction has taken place. Yunus-Bek Yevkurov told the rights-defenders that he had personally visited the district head’s home to see how luxuriously he was living. Elsewhere, money was allocated to build a school, but the school’s foundations have not even been laid.



Translated by Julie Elkner
PRIMA-News Agency [2008-12-26-Rus-24]

 

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UNPO: CIRCASSIA

From: MSN NicknameEagle_wng  (Original Message)    Sent: 12/14/2005 12:23 AM
CIRCASSIA

Date of admittance:

13 April 1994

Geographical Features:

Circassia designates the homeland of the Circassians (see also “population”), which is the Northwestern part of the Caucasus. Historically the Circassians lived along the shores of the black sea in the west up to the Kuban river in the North, the Ingur river (the southern border of Abkhazia) in the south and the Terek River in the east. Their number was reduced after the Russian conquest of the Northwest Caucasus in the 1860’s, when hundreds of thousands of Circassians were forced to flee to the Ottoman Empire. Several millions of Circassians are still living in different areas in the Middle East, mainly in Turkey, but also in Jordan, Syria and Israel. At present in the North Caucasus the Circassians are living mainly in three small republics in the northern Caucasus: Adyghea, Kabardino-Balkaria and Karachay-Cherkessia and some in the Krasnodar region without autonomy. The vast majority of Circassians live outside the Russian Federation: more than 2 million live in Turkey and about 100,000 in Jordan, Syria, Israel, the United States and Europe.

The areas of Adygea, Karachay-Cherkessia and Kabardino-Balkaria are 7,600 sq km2 14,200 km2 and 12,500 km2 respectively. The capitals are Maykop, Cherkessk and Nalchik respectively.

Population:

“Circassians” is a Western term derived from the Turkic Cherkess . In general this is applied to the peoples who designate themselves as Adyghes, Cherkess and Kabardins. Within these groups there are again different tribes. Adyghes, Cherkess and Kabardins are closely related culturally and linguistically. Therefore outside of the Caucasus they designate themselves as Cherkess . In the Northwestern Caucasus the Circassians live mainly in three autonomous republics of the Russian Federation: Adygea, Karachay-Cherkessia and Kabardino-Balkaria. Except in the last one in the others they form a minority, see Table 1.

________________________________

Table 1. Republics — Population — Ethnic groups

Adygea — 447,000 — Russians: 68%, Adyghes: 22%
Karachaievo-Cherkessia — 439,700 — Karachai: 38%, Russians: 37%, Cherkess: 10%, Abaza: 7%, Nogai: 3%
Kabardino-Balkaria — 900,500 — Kabardins: 48%, Russians: 32%, Balkars: 9%

________________________________

There are an estimated 3.5 million descendants of emigrants from the North Caucasus living outside the Caucasus, mainly in Turkey (circa 2 million) and in the Middle East (Syria 80,000 and Jordan 90,000) but also in Europe (amongst others Holland and Germany) and the USA. .More than three million of them are Circassians whose forebears were forced to leave the Caucasus in the 19th century at the end of the Caucasian wars. At present the size of the Circassian diaspora far exceeds the number who still live in the North Caucasus.

Language and ethnicity:

The Circassians speak a North-Caucasian language, which can be divided into five different dialects. Two of them are the West Circassian or Adyghe, mainly spoken by the Circassians in Adygea, and the East Circassian or Kabardian, mainly spoken by the Circassians in Karachay-Cherkessia and Kabardino-Balkaria. The Karachay and Balkars speak a Turkic language. The official languages of Adygea are Russian and Adyghe, the official language of Karachay-Cherkessia is Russian, the official languages of Kabardino-Balkaria are Russian, Kabardian and Balkar.

Religion:

At present Circassians in general belong to Sunnite Islam of the Hanafid kind. From the 5th century onwards, from Byzantium and Georgia Christianity slowly spread in the Northern Caucasus, first in the coastal region, later also more inland (in the 6th century to the Adyghes, in the 10th-12th century to the Cherkess) . The influence of Christianity was limited, though. Most people kept their traditional pagan religion, although Christianity and traditional beliefs often got mixed. Islam started to spread slowly among the Circassians around the 15th century, largely due to the efforts of the Crimean and Nogai preachers. Some mountain tribes became Moslems by the beginning of the 19th century. However, as was the case with Christianity, the majority of the population preferred old pagan beliefs to the new religion. Islam became firmly established only in the second half of the 19th century, during and after the Caucasus war. Nevertheless, the pre-Islam beliefs continue to coexist with the Moslem traditions.

Political system:

Adygea, Karachaevo-Cherkessia and Kabardino-Balkaria are all three autonomous republics in the Russian Federation, which means that they are nominally autonomous with supposed the right to secede. Each has its own constitution, president and parliament. Constitutionally the republics are represented by the federal government in international affairs.

At present the President of Adygea is Khazrat Medzhidovich Sovmen, who was elected in the beginning of 2002, succeeding Aslan Dzharimov. There is also a directly elected National Assembly (Khase), which comprises the Council of Representatives and the Council of the Republic. Both Councils are elected every five years and have 27 deputies each. The Prime Minister of Adygea is appointed by the President with the consent of the National Assembly. As of 2005, the Prime Minister of Adygea is Hazret Yunusovich Huade. The republic sends three representatives to the parliament of the Russian Federation; one to the Duma and the other two to the Federation Council. The republic’s Constitution was adopted on May 14, 1995.

As of 2004, the president of Karachay-Cherkessia is Mustafa Azret-Aliyevich Batdyyev.

As of 2004, the president of Kabardino-Balkaria is Valery Mukhamedovich Kokov.

Organisation:

The International Circassian Association became a member of UNPO in 1994, in order to stand up for the interests of the Circassian people living within and outside the homeland with non-violent means. The aim of the International Circassian Association is to unite Circassians spiritually, politically and to preserve the ethnic unity of Circassians. It wants the Russian Federation to acknowledge the genocide against the Circassians, to recognize the status of exiled people, and to undertake efforts to let them return to their homeland and maintain dual citizenship (in their present country of residence and in Russia). The Turkish government has made promises to change its minority policy. However, so far there have been no changes to it.

Economy:

In Adygea agriculture is the chief occupation. Wheat, corn, and rice are the leading food crops. Cattle raising is the predominant farm industry. Forests cover almost 40% of the territory of the republic and support a lumber industry. The Maykop region has oil and natural gas deposits. Oil refining, food processing, furniture making, woodworking, pulp and paper, heavy engineering, metal-working and building materials are leading industries.

The Karachay-Cherkess republic consists of lowland steppe in the north and the Caucasian foothills in the south. Livestock raising (cattle and sheep), mining (coals, zinc, lead, copper) and irrigated agriculture (grains, corn, sugar beets, fruits, vegetables and winegrowing) are the most important means of existence. There is also a large industrial sector (chemical industry, wood processing, building materials, foodstuffs, and machinery). Industry is mostly concentrated in the capital of the republic, Cherkessk. Chemical and food industries are the most developed.

The economy of Kabardino-Balkaria is based on mining and livestock raising (mainly in the Balkar south), and irrigated agriculture (mainly in the Kabardin north). The industry of the republic is concentrated in the capital and covers processing of agricultural products, ores and wood.

History:

Historically, until the Russian conquest, the Western Circassians lived in free tribal societies whereas the Eastern Circassians (mainly the modern day Kabardians) fashioned a highly stratified aristocratic society. The north-western region of the Caucasus remained fairly autonomous until the 12th and 13th centuries, when Georgian princes succeeded in reducing it to the condition of a province. In 1234 the Caucasus region was overrun by Mongol hordes, and the region soon passed under the rule of the Crimean Tatars. By the mid-16th century Russia, for the first time in its expansion southward, reached the north central Caucasus, but remained unable to conquer the northern Caucasus. From 1763 onwards the Russian Tzarist regime intensified its effort to conquer the North-Western Caucasus. As all the other North Caucasian peoples the Circassians fiercely fought the Russian Army but were defeated and decimated by it in 1864. They came under Russian rule and their social tribal structure was destroyed. As a result of the Russian conquest, the overwhelming majority of the Circassians, around 1.200.0000, were forced to flee to the Ottoman lands of whom around 800.000 survived the tragic exodus. Their descendants today comprise a sizeable Circassian Diaspora in Turkey and the Middle East.

The Karachay and Balkars, who speak a Turkic language and can also be seen as one people took also part in the struggle against the Russian invasion and accordingly suffered from the consequences of the final defeat in 1864.

The Circassians who had remained in the North Caucasus participated, with the other North Caucasian peoples, in the short-lived independent state of Mountaineers Republic of the North Caucasus formed in 1918,which became part of the new Soviet Union and was renamed the Soviet Mountain Republic in 1921. Within a few years the Mountain Republic disintegrated and the Circassians were divided into three categories as the Adyge, the Cherkess and the Kabardians, while the Karachay-Balkars were divided as well.

At various times during the Soviet period the Circassian inhabited lands were placed in the following administrative units:
1) Adygea Autonomous Oblast (AO) within Krasnadar Krai (separated from Cherkess AO, it later became the Republic of Adygea in the Russian Federation)
2) Cherkess Autonomous Oblast within Stavrapol Krai (first separated from then later in 1957 merged with the Karachay AO in Karachaevo-Cherkessia AO that later became the Republic of Karachaevo-Cherkessia in the Russian Federation)
3) Kabardin Soviet Socialist Autonomous Republic (existed between 1944-1957 later included the Balkars after their return from exile to become once again Kabardino-Balkaria Soviet Socialist Autonomous Republic within the RSSFR)
4) Shapsough National Ogrug (the Shapsough were a Circassian tribe and this national ogrug was abolished after the World War II.)

During the Second World War the Karachay-Balkars were accused by Stalin of collaboration with the invading German Nazi Armies and for this reason first the Karachays in November 1943 and Balkars in March 1944 were deported, along with the Chechens, Ingush, Volga Germans, Meskhetians, Kalymuks and the Crimean Tartars, to the steppes of Central Asia. Consequently the Karachay National Oblast and the Balkar part of the Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic of Kabardino-Balkaria was abolished. During the deportations they lost around one third to half of their numbers. Their lands were incorporated into the neighbouring regions. Within a short time the terms Karachay and the Balkar were deleted from Soviet official terminology as though these peoples had never existed. Even after they were eventually allowed in 1957 to return to their homeland, following Khrushchev’s condemnation of Stalin’s actions at the 20th Communist Party Congress in 1956, human suffering and grievances caused by the deportations has never healed. Rehabilitation of their lands, which was sometimes occupied by Circassians has, to this day, remained as a powerful element of the Karachay-Balkar nationalist discourse.

In the Soviet period the imperialistic policy with regard to the original inhabitants of the northern Caucasus became more subtle. The Circassian people, with their own distinctive culture and language, were separated over the three mentioned different territorial and administrative units. They were forced to abandon their native language, in favour of Russian, in a policy intended to lead to assimilation.

Today Circassian nationalist organisations often organise their manifesto around the continuity of the scatteredness of the Circassian population and the demographic disadvantages of the Circassians in the republics they live. Establishing a close relationship with their ethnic kin, the Abkhaz, and supporting them in their “independence” war against Georgia also dominated the nationalist agenda throughout 1992-1994. Mass repatriation of the Diaspora Circassians and the unification of Circassian lands in one single republic within the Russian Federation are the objectives that were being pursued vigorously until recently. Nonetheless, since the beginning of the second half of the last decade the goal of establishing “Greater Circassia” seems to have been replaced by the appreciation that national interests are best served if the Circassians aim at acquiring more autonomy wherever they live. Exception to this is that Adyge nationalist movement is the most powerful and popular in Karachaevo-Cherkessia from which it aims to secede to revive Cherkessian autonomy. As yet it failed to do so.

However, the nationalists were partially successful in achieving some of their goals. Adygea Autonomous Oblast was upgraded to republican status in July 1991 and renamed Republic of Adygea. Also both in Adygea and Kabardino-Balkaria, the republican laws passed that gave the Circassian Diaspora constitutional rights to resettle in these republics. The day May 21st has been designated in both republics as official mourning day for the Circassians who, in the last century, had to flee their homeland.

Since the early 1990s through the transition from Soviet Union to multinational Russian Federation, the Northwest Caucasus has seen an increasing polarisation of these two national groups in the North Caucasus. On more than one occasion a civil war along ethnic lines seemed to be looming in both Karachaevo-Cherkessia and Kabardino-Balkaria. After the presidential elections held in the early 1999 in Karachaevo-Cherkessia there have been many street protests, attended by thousands of people, organised by the rival ethnic groups in support of their own candidate.

http://www.unpo.org/member.php?arg=18

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Window On Eurasia: Nevsky Edges Out Stolypin And Stalin In ‘Name Of Russia’ Competition

Tuesday, December 30, 2008


 

Window on Eurasia: Nevsky Edges Out Stolypin and Stalin in ‘Name of Russia’ Competition



Paul Goble

Vienna, December 29 – An opponent of the expansion of the Christian West into medieval Russia rather than a tsarist prime minister who gave his name to a hangman’s noose and prison railcars and a viciously cruel Soviet dictator whom the current Russian government views as “an effective manager” has won the informal poll as “the name of Russia.”
On Sunday, voting on the “Name of Russia” competition organized by the “Rossiya” television channel, the Institute of Russian History of the Academy of Sciences, and the Public Opinion Foundation last May was declared closed and the winners announced on the “News of the Week” program (lenta.ru/news/2008/12/28/namerussia/).
Some 2,888,000 people took part in this Internet poll, with Aleksandr Nevsky garnering 524,575 votes, only slightly more than the 523,766 votes for Petr Stolypin and the 519,071 for Joseph Stalin – despite the fact that thanks to spamming and hacking Stalin for most of the last months had been in the lead.
Although everyone involved acknowledged that this poll – which began with 500 names and then narrowed the final choice down to 50 – was anything but scientific or accurate as a reflection of Russian public opinion, it attracted enormous attention in both the electronic and paper media not only during its course but after the announcement of the winners.
One reason for that, Moscow commentator Anatoly Baranov suggests, is that in Russia today “referenda, except those initiated by the powers that be themselves, are de facto prohibited.” And consequently, this Internet poll gave Russians a chance to express themselves more freely than normal (forum.msk.ru/material/news/675766.html).
An article by Yevgeny Lesin in today’s “Nezavisimaya gazeta” is typical of the reactions of many Russian journalists and commentators. Entitled “The Rus-Troika: Stalin, Stalin and Stalin,” it regrets that the list did not include “anyone who worked on behalf of Russia, for Russia and for the glory of Russia” (www.ng.ru/politics/2008-12-29/2_rusname.html?mthree=9).
According to the Moscow journalist, the top three should have been Pushkin, Mendeleyev and Lenin, Russia’s greatest poet, her greatest scientist, and a man who however mistaken some of his ideas have proved to be set Russia on an entirely new course almost a century ago.
As for the three leaders, Lesin continues, their selection is even more disturbing than the absence of those who should have been there instead. Nevsky was a military leader and prince about whom little is known beyond the legends behind Sergei Eisenstein’s classic film on the ice campaign against the Teutonic knights.
He did win “a number of victories [but] was extremely close to the so-called Tatar-Mongols,” conquerors rather than developers of the Russian land. The film about him is “brilliant” as is the music, Lesin says, but why should his name be listed as “the name of Russia?”
Stolypin, the pre-revolutionary prime minister who suppressed the 1905 revolution prior to being assassinated, is even less appropriate on this list, the “Nezavisimaya gazeta” writer continues. Famous now for the prison rail car and the noose named in his honor and for his tough economic policies, Stolypin is better than Beria certainly but hardly “an ideal figure.”
And finally, Stalin himself. As Lesin suggests, there is little need to say anything: “Stalin simply destroyed people. Was that evil? Yes, it was. But it is a part of our history, a part which must not be forgotten.” Indeed, Stalin’s contribution to the country is summed up in prosecutor Vyshinsky’s infamous call to shoot the victims of the show trials “like mad dogs.”
Mendeleyev and Pushkin would have been far better symbols of Russia, Lesin concludes, but as so often happens in Russia, in a paraphrase of Chernomyrdin’s now classical remark about reforms in that country after the collapse of Soviet power, “we wanted to choose someone better, but we chose like always.”





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