Protesters chant for a “Russia without Putin”

By Steve Gutterman

MOSCOW | Sat Dec 10, 2011 2:43pm EST

(Reuters) – In the middle of the crowd on Saturday at Russia’s largest opposition protest in years, a big banner bore a simple message: Putin must go.

Anger over Russia’s December 4 parliamentary election drew a diverse crowd to a cold embankment in Moscow, where they stood for hours under wet snow to demand a rerun of a vote Putin’s foes say was rigged in his ruling United Russia party’s favor.

But while organizers did not include the prime minister’s resignation in their list of demands, much of the ire was directed at Putin.

For Olga, 38, the vote reconfirmed a conviction that as Putin has gained power over more than a decade as president and then prime minister, the people he governs have become increasingly powerless.

“It’s his system,” said Olga, a Muscovite who would not give her last name.

Felix, 68, a retired military officer who remembers the hug demonstrations that accompanied the collapse of the Soviet Union 20 years ago, said he wanted Putin out but had no hope that this could be accomplished through elections.

“There is no way to change those in power within the electoral system they have set up, so we need to use other methods,” he said, waiting for friends on a subway platform before the rally and ignoring a policeman with a megaphone calling for people to leave the station.

“More radical actions are needed, but the people are not ready for that yet … so for now we will protest,” he said. “People must have their say and express their opinion.”

PUTIN ON PATH BACK TO PRESIDENCY

At the protest, one man did so silently. Standing almost motionless for minutes at a stretch, he held a simple A4 size sheet of paper printed with the slogan: “Mr Putin, my civil rights are not your property.”

Most of the protesters were more vocal, mixing shouted calls for a new election with chants of “Down with Putin!” and — one of the standard slogans at much smaller protests held by Kremlin foes before the election — “Russia without Putin!”

That Russia may not come for years, despite nationwide protests whose size — unthinkable even a few weeks ago — prompted one speaker to say that opposition flags would soon fly from the Kremlin’s towers.

Recent opinion polls have shown Putin, president for eight years until 2008 and prime minister since then, remains the most popular politician in Russia.

He can count on millions of votes in a March 4 presidential election in which polls indicate he will win a six-year term. If he does, he could run again and potentially rule until 2024.

“Putin won’t leave and there won’t be any major changes in the country,” said Ernst Klyavitsky, 75, a rewired electrician who said he had “never missed a protest” against Communist rule as the Soviet Union was on the verge of collapse.

“But the authorities need to know how angry we are,” he said.

They know now and are frightened, said Boris Baranov, 36, analyst and translator for a Moscow engineering firm who waited outside a kiosk near the protest site as his friends stocked up on rolls to fortify them during the four-hour rally.

“Authoritarian governments are more sensitive to public opinion than many think,” Baranov said.

On the streets around the protest site at Bolotnaya Square, hundreds of helmeted riot police with truncheons and body armor and trucks full of troops seemed to support his argument.

“You can tell that those in power are worried — they fear this,” Baranov said of the protests.

(Additional reporting by Thomas Grove, Editing by Timothy Heritage)

http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/12/10/us-russia-protests-putin-idUSTRE7B90LN20111210

Share Button

Thousands of Russians protest against Putin

Thousands of Russians protest against Putin


By Steve Gutterman and Amie Ferris-Rotman

MOSCOW | Sat Dec 10, 2011 5:09pm EST

(Reuters) – Tens of thousands of people in Moscow and thousands more in cities across Russiademanded an end to Vladimir Putin’s rule and a rerun of a parliamentary election on Saturday in the biggest opposition protests since he rose to power 12 years ago.

Potesters waved banners such as “The rats should go!” and “Swindlers and thieves – give us our elections back!” in cities from the Pacific port of Vladivostok in the east to Kaliningrad in the west, nearly 7,400 km (4,600 miles) away.

But the biggest protest by far was in Moscow, where riot police were out in force but just watched as protesters waving flags and shouting “Putin is a thief!” staged the opposition’s biggest protest rally since the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991.

The protests showed a groundswell of anger over the December 4 election, which the opposition says was rigged to favor Putin’s United Russia, and discontent with the prime minister three months before he tries to reclaim the presidency at the polls.

“Today 60,000, maybe 100,000 people, have come to this rally,” former prime minister Mikhail Kasyanov said in a speech to a huge crowd packed into Bolotnaya Square across the Moscow River from the Kremlin.

“This means today is the beginning of the end for these thieving authorities,” said Kasyanov, who now leads an opposition movement which was barred from the election.

People of all ages gathered in Moscow, many carrying white carnations as the symbol of their protest and some waving pictures of Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev declaring: “Guys, it’s time to go.” Helicopters at times buzzed overhead.

Vladimir Ryzhkov, an opposition leader, read out a list of demands including annulling the election and holding a new one, registering opposition parties, dismissing the election commission head and freeing people the protesters consider political prisoners.

“Russia has changed today — the future has changed,” he said, urging demonstrators to come out for new protests on December 24. The crowd chanted, “We’ll be back!”

But Konstantin Kosachyov, a United Russia lawmaker authorized to speak on behalf of the Kremlin, ruled out negotiations on the organizers’ demands and said: “With all respect for the people who came out to protest, they are not a political party.”

The rallies, many of them held in freezing snow, were a test of the opposition’s ability to turn public anger into a mass protest movement on the scale of the Arab Spring rebellions that brought down rulers in the Middle East and North Africa.

Most Russian political experts say the former KGB spy who has dominated the world’s largest energy producer for 12 years is in little immediate danger of being toppled and that protests are hard to keep going across such a vast country.

But they say Putin’s authority has been damaged and may gradually wane when he returns as president after the March election, unless he answers demands ranging from holding fair elections to tackling rampant corruption and reducing the huge gap between rich and poor.

“The time has come to throw off the chains,” one of the main opposition figures, blogger Alexei Navalny, said in a message sent from jail following his arrest in a protest in Monday.

“We are not cattle or slaves. We have a voice and we have the strength to defend it,” he said in the message, which drew cheers when it was read out from the stage by Oleg Kashin, an opposition journalist.

Such large protests were unthinkable before last Sunday’s election, in which United Russia won only a slim majority in the State Duma lower house — police warned protesters to get off a Moscow bridge at one point for fear it would collapse.

But in a sign that the Kremlin has started to sense the change of mood, most of Saturday’s rallies were approved by city authorities hoping to avoid violence and state television showed footage of the protests – but no direct criticism of Putin.

PROTEST FROM EAST TO WEST OF RUSSIA

Invited by messages sent on social media, people protested in dozens of cities such as Vladivostok, Novosibirsk in Siberia, Arkhangelsk in the Arctic north, in Kaliningrad in the west, and in the Karelia region near Finland. Witnesses said 10,000 took part in a protest in St Petersburg, Russia’s second city.

Police broke up an unapproved protest by about 400 people in Kurgan, on Russia’s border with Kazakhstan, and at least 20 were detained in Khabarovsk near Russia’s border with China, Russian news agencies said. Ten were held in St Petersburg, police said, and 35 were detained in Syktyvkar near the Arctic Circle.

“This is history in the making for Russia. The people are coming out to demand justice for the first time in two decades, justice in the elections,” Anton, 41, a financial services sector employee who gave only his first name, said in Moscow.

“I want new elections, not a revolution,” said Ernst Kryavitsky, 75, a retired electrician dressed in a long brown coat and hat against the falling snow in Moscow.

At least 100 trucks of riot police were parked near the Kremlin and columns of police trucks drove around the capital. Police put the number of protesters at around 25,000, and organizers said it was up to 150,000.

Medvedev has denied the allegations of fraud in the election. Putin, who became prime minister in 1999 and was elected president in 2000, has accused the United States of encouraging and financing the protesters.

FALLING POPULARITY

The protesters were mainly angered by the election, in which they say only cheating prevented United Russia’s result being worse. International monitors also said the ruling party had an unfair advantage and that they had evidence of ballot-stuffing.

Putin, 59, remains Russia’s most popular leader in opinion polls, and has dominated the country under a political system in which power revolves around him. Far from all Russians wanted to take to the streets to protest.

“We think all these rallies, they’re not right, because you need to work for justice in legal ways,” said Lyudmila Mashenko, owner of a small business walking with her grandson in Moscow.

Some protesters want new elections but still back Putin.

“I came here today mainly to say that I don’t agree with the result of election,” the manager of an IT company in St Petersburg who gave her name only as Dasha.

But Putin has seen his support – won by restoring order after the chaos of the 1990s following the collapse of the Soviet Union – slip in opinion polls.

Many Russians felt disenfranchised in September when he and Medvedev announced plans to swap jobs after the presidential election and said they had taken the decision years ago.

(Additional reporting by Andrei Ostroukh, Thomas Grove and Guy Faulconbridge, Writing by Timothy Heritage, Editing by Steve Gutterman)

http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/12/10/us-russia-protests-idUSTRE7B907W20111210

 

 

 

Share Button

What Russian Statistics On Militant Attacks In the North Caucasus Reveal

What Russian Statistics On Militant Attacks In the North Caucasus Reveal

Publication: Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 8 Issue: 224
December 9, 2011 11:51 AM Age: 1 days
Makhachkala, Dagestan bomb blast, September 22 (Source: AFP)

It is common practice to summarize the year’s events at its conclusion. Following this tradition, we can consider the figures concerning the situation in the North Caucasus, which is not improving, as the federal authorities in the Russian Federation would like to present it. The republics in which the most insurgent activity is going on change, but the general amount of violence across the North Caucasus remains more or less at the same level. We can even assert that the security situation in the North Caucasus is profoundly deteriorating, given that there is a growing radicalization not only of the region’s Muslims, but also of its nationalists.

The primary problem with Russian information sources is their inconsistency. Thus, according to the Russian Interior Ministry, during the period of January-November 2011, “300 participants in underground banditry, 366 rebel bases and ammunition caches were neutralized; over 1,400 small arms, 175,000 units of ammunition and over 500 kilograms of explosives were confiscated” (http://vvmvd.ru/news/news_2862.html). It is hard to understand what is meant by “neutralized”: does it refer to those killed, arrested or both? Another government source informs us that 300 militants were killed by Russian Interior Ministry troops (www.rosbalt.ru/main/2011/12/02/919650.html). If this figure is correct, then all the other force agencies, such as the police, regular military, FSB (Federal Security Service) and GRU (the Defense Ministry’s Main Intelligence Directorate) killed only several people during the course of the year.

The data provided by the Kavkazsky Uzel (Caucasian Knot) website is interesting because it highlights the dynamics of the conflict in different parts of the North Caucasus. In 2010, the rebels were the most active in Kabardino-Balkaria in percentage terms, not in absolute numbers. In 2011, Dagestan has been the hottest spot. “Pacified” Chechnya occupies the second position in the region in terms of casualties.

Overall, there were 1,205 victims of the conflict in the North Caucasus, including 683 killed and 522 injured, during the first 11 months of 2011. The situation in December is unlikely to change these figures dramatically, adding a few dozen more deaths, injuries and kidnappings. In 2010, the total number of casualties in the region was 1,710.

Dagestan is far ahead of other territories in terms of casualties. There were 685 casualties in the republic from January to November of this year, of whom 372 were killed, including 156 rebels, 93 law-enforcement agents and 123 civilians, while 313 people were wounded. Chechnya held second place as of November 30, with 202 victims of the fighting between the republic’s rebel underground and security forces. A total of 92 people were killed in the republic, including 63 rebels, 21 servicemen and 10 civilians, while 110 people were wounded. Kabardino-Balkaria had 158 victims during the same period, of whom 116 were killed (76 rebels, 28 servicemen and 15 civilians) and 42 were injured. Ingushetia suffered 103 casualties, of whom 69 were killed (40 rebels, 19 servicemen and 10 civilians) and 34 were injured. North Ossetia had 25 casualties (including 15 rebels and 6 servicemen killed and nine people wounded). Karachaevo-Cherkessia had 24 casualties, including six rebels and six servicemen killed and nine people w wounded). In Stavropol region there were eight casualties, including three people killed and five injured.

Apart from casualties, the issue of kidnappings and disappearances is still a problem in the North Caucasus. According to Kavkazsky Uzel (Caucasian Knot), in 11 months of 2011 there were 64 such cases, 28 of which took place in Dagestan, 20 in Chechnya, 13 in Ingushetia and three in Kabardino-Balkaria.

Given these numbers, one should supposedly think that the situation is improving from the federal authorities’ standpoint, since the number of casualties has decreased by almost one-third since 2010. However, the Russian Prosecutor General’s Office does not agree with this conclusion. Deputy Prosecutor General Ivan Sydoruk stated that since the beginning of 2011, the number of terrorism- related and extremism-related crimes in the North Caucasus increased by 29 percent in comparison to the same time period in 2010 (www.yuga.ru/news/246467/).

The federal government itself does not appear to be particularly optimistic about the situation in the North Caucasus. Aleksandr Khloponin, the special representative of the Russian president in the North Caucasus Federal District, was forced to admit on November 30: “There are still cases of young people leaving for the forest [joining the rebels]. There is certain tension in Karachaevo-Cherkessia, where there are pockets of underground banditry, so a lot of work lies ahead” (http://interfax-russia.ru/South/main.asp?id=276976). Suddenly, a number of officials at different levels have started to talk about a deterioration of the situation in Karachaevo-Cherkessia. During a visit to this republic on November 17, Russian Interior Minister Rashid Nurgaliev called the situation in Karachaevo-Cherkessia “protractedly tense” and compared it to Dagestan (www.xn--c1adwdmv.xn--p1ai/news/kavkaz/kar-cher/1468253.html). This stark statement was made despite the absence of signs of destabilization in the republic in the press. Against the backdrop of the relocation of the Russian military base from Botlikh in Dagestan to Maikop in Adygea, it can be assumed that the government expects tensions in this part of the North Caucasus to rise prior to the Olympics in Sochi in 2014. However, following the destruction of the Karachay jamaat by security forces in 2006-2007, the armed opposition in the form of the jamaat showed few signs of activity.

Interior Minister Nurgaliev also reported that the law enforcement agencies had prevented over 50 terrorist attacks this year as of September. He added that “313 rebels were neutralized and 399 participants in the illegal armed formations were arrested” (http://ria.ru/defense_safety/20111116/490310056.html). Note that Nurgaliev’s figures for the number of rebels killed in nine months of 2011 are greater than the figures his own ministry gave for 11 months of the same year. In addition, it is unclear why the number of wounded people was lower than the number of the killed, as normally more people are wounded than killed.

The statistics that the Russian military, police and other law-enforcement agencies provide invariably evoke multiple questions, since the different agencies, such as the military, police, FSB and prosecutors, use different methods of counting. In the past 20 years, Russian government agencies have not learned how to provide the same set of numbers. This is apparently too difficult for a country that aspires to be included among the world’s developed nations.

http://www.jamestown.org/programs/nca/single/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=38760&tx_ttnews%5BbackPid%5D=24&cHash=77ad9310e51bcd0eda426b12557c68f3

Share Button

What Russian Statistics On Militant Attacks In the North Caucasus Reveal

What Russian Statistics On Militant Attacks In the North Caucasus Reveal

Publication: North Caucasus Analysis Volume: 12 Issue: 23
December 9, 2011 12:00 PM Age: 1 days

It is common practice to summarize the year’s events at its conclusion. Following this tradition, we can consider the figures concerning the situation in the North Caucasus, which is not improving, as the federal authorities in the Russian Federation would like to present it. The republics in which the most insurgent activity is going on change, but the general amount of violence across the North Caucasus remains more or less at the same level. We can even assert that the security situation in the North Caucasus is profoundly deteriorating, given that there is a growing radicalization not only of the region’s Muslims, but also of its nationalists.

The primary problem with Russian information sources is their inconsistency. Thus, according to the Russian Interior Ministry, during the period of January-November 2011, “300 participants in underground banditry, 366 rebel bases and ammunition caches were neutralized; over 1,400 small arms, 175,000 units of ammunition and over 500 kilograms of explosives were confiscated” (http://vvmvd.ru/news/news_2862.html). It is hard to understand what is meant by “neutralized”: does it refer to those killed, arrested or both? Another government source informs us that 300 militants were killed by Russian Interior Ministry troops (www.rosbalt.ru/main/2011/12/02/919650.html). If this figure is correct, then all the other force agencies, such as the police, regular military, FSB (Federal Security Service) and GRU (the Defense Ministry’s Main Intelligence Directorate) killed only several people during the course of the year.

The data provided by the Kavkazsky Uzel (Caucasian Knot) website is interesting because it highlights the dynamics of the conflict in different parts of the North Caucasus. In 2010, the rebels were the most active in Kabardino-Balkaria in percentage terms, not in absolute numbers. In 2011, Dagestan has been the hottest spot. “Pacified” Chechnya occupies the second position in the region in terms of casualties.

Overall, there were 1,205 victims of the conflict in the North Caucasus, including 683 killed and 522 injured, during the first 11 months of 2011. The situation in December is unlikely to change these figures dramatically, adding a few dozen more deaths, injuries and kidnappings. In 2010, the total number of casualties in the region was 1,710.

Dagestan is far ahead of other territories in terms of casualties. There were 685 casualties in the republic from January to November of this year, of whom 372 were killed, including 156 rebels, 93 law-enforcement agents and 123 civilians, while 313 people were wounded. Chechnya held second place as of November 30, with 202 victims of the fighting between the republic’s rebel underground and security forces. A total of 92 people were killed in the republic, including 63 rebels, 21 servicemen and 10 civilians, while 110 people were wounded. Kabardino-Balkaria had 158 victims during the same period, of whom 116 were killed (76 rebels, 28 servicemen and 15 civilians) and 42 were injured. Ingushetia suffered 103 casualties, of whom 69 were killed (40 rebels, 19 servicemen and 10 civilians) and 34 were injured. North Ossetia had 25 casualties (including 15 rebels and 6 servicemen killed and nine people wounded). Karachaevo-Cherkessia had 24 casualties, including six rebels and six servicemen killed and nine people w wounded). In Stavropol region there were eight casualties, including three people killed and five injured.

Apart from casualties, the issue of kidnappings and disappearances is still a problem in the North Caucasus. According to Kavkazsky Uzel (Caucasian Knot), in 11 months of 2011 there were 64 such cases, 28 of which took place in Dagestan, 20 in Chechnya, 13 in Ingushetia and three in Kabardino-Balkaria.

Given these numbers, one should supposedly think that the situation is improving from the federal authorities’ standpoint, since the number of casualties has decreased by almost one-third since 2010. However, the Russian Prosecutor General’s Office does not agree with this conclusion. Deputy Prosecutor General Ivan Sydoruk stated that since the beginning of 2011, the number of terrorism- related and extremism-related crimes in the North Caucasus increased by 29 percent in comparison to the same time period in 2010 (www.yuga.ru/news/246467/).

The federal government itself does not appear to be particularly optimistic about the situation in the North Caucasus. Aleksandr Khloponin, the special representative of the Russian president in the North Caucasus Federal District, was forced to admit on November 30: “There are still cases of young people leaving for the forest [joining the rebels]. There is certain tension in Karachaevo-Cherkessia, where there are pockets of underground banditry, so a lot of work lies ahead” (http://interfax-russia.ru/South/main.asp?id=276976). Suddenly, a number of officials at different levels have started to talk about a deterioration of the situation in Karachaevo-Cherkessia. During a visit to this republic on November 17, Russian Interior Minister Rashid Nurgaliev called the situation in Karachaevo-Cherkessia “protractedly tense” and compared it to Dagestan (www.xn--c1adwdmv.xn--p1ai/news/kavkaz/kar-cher/1468253.html). This stark statement was made despite the absence of signs of destabilization in the republic in the press. Against the backdrop of the relocation of the Russian military base from Botlikh in Dagestan to Maikop in Adygea, it can be assumed that the government expects tensions in this part of the North Caucasus to rise prior to the Olympics in Sochi in 2014. However, following the destruction of the Karachay jamaat by security forces in 2006-2007, the armed opposition in the form of the jamaat showed few signs of activity.

Interior Minister Nurgaliev also reported that the law enforcement agencies had prevented over 50 terrorist attacks this year as of September. He added that “313 rebels were neutralized and 399 participants in the illegal armed formations were arrested” (http://ria.ru/defense_safety/20111116/490310056.html). Note that Nurgaliev’s figures for the number of rebels killed in nine months of 2011 are greater than the figures his own ministry gave for 11 months of the same year. In addition, it is unclear why the number of wounded people was lower than the number of the killed, as normally more people are wounded than killed.

The statistics that the Russian military, police and other law-enforcement agencies provide invariably evoke multiple questions, since the different agencies, such as the military, police, FSB and prosecutors, use different methods of counting. In the past 20 years, Russian government agencies have not learned how to provide the same set of numbers. This is apparently too difficult for a country that aspires to be included among the world’s developed nations.

http://www.jamestown.org/programs/nca/single/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=38764&tx_ttnews%5BbackPid%5D=24&cHash=377fae7ffbfe81f820f59fc15a0f821d

Share Button

Russian Parliamentary Election Results in the North Caucasus Questioned

Russian Parliamentary Election Results in the North Caucasus Questioned

Publication: Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 8 Issue: 222
December 7, 2011 10:33 AM Age: 2 days
United Russia received more than 99 percent of the vote in Chechnya (Source: RIA Novosti)

On December 4, parliamentary elections were held in Russia. Russian observers say that the manifestly exaggerated victory of the ruling United Russia party in the republics of the North Caucasus played a key role in enabling the ruling United Russia party to win over 50 percent of the seats. The North Caucasus’ vote was more important this time than in previous elections, in 2007, when United Russia still exercised considerable clout over popular opinion across Russia. The ruling party partially compensated for its profound loss of popularity in ethnic Russian regions with the help of the North Caucasian vote, which is largely seen as having been fraudulent, writes the well-known Russian analyst on the North Caucasus, Konstantin Kazenin (http://slon.ru/russia/pochemu_kavkaz_kormit_edinuyu_rossiyu_-721870.xhtml, December 5).

Chechnya and Dagestan were the two top Russian regions where United Russia added votes in comparison to the 2007 elections. In Chechnya, the ruling party received 99.5 percent of the vote this time, 0.1 percent more than in 2007. In Dagestan, the party improved its performance from 89.4 in 2007 to 91.4 this time. By contrast, in ten ethnic Russian regions, United Russia’s results were on average approximately 30 percent lower than in 2007, amounting to what appears to be a crushing defeat for the Kremlin (http://slon.ru/russia/karta_velikoy_pobedy-721906.xhtml?page=6#pager, December 6).

The rigging of the vote took on perhaps its most grotesque forms in Chechnya, due to the republic’s quasi-dictatorial regime installed and supported by Moscow. According to Chechen officials, voter turnout was 99.45 percent. An anonymous Chechen medical worker told the Kavkazsky Uzel (Caucasian Knot) website that the government made him and his co-workers go to the balloting stations, threatening to delay their wages if they did not show up. Observers noted that government employees went to polling stations and stayed there all day in an apparent attempt to make it appear as if there were crowds of voters (http://www.kavkaz-uzel.ru/articles/197029/, December 5). On December 2, Chechen officials announced that the total number of registered voters in the republic was 608,797. On December 5, summarizing the election results, Chechen officials announced that a total of 611,099 ballots had been cast – that is, 2,302 more ballots cast than the total number of registered voters. Chechnya’s central electoral commission quickly responded to the criticism by raising the official number of voters to 614,109 (http://www.kavkaz-uzel.ru/articles/197042/, December 5).

On December 6, the Russian Communist Party’s branch in Dagestan staged a protest in Makhachkala against the elections, which they said were unfair and rigged. “False elections – rotten authorities” was one of their slogans. Members of the Russian liberal party Yabloko joined the Communists in protesting. The Communists said they were supported by half of the republic’s population in the December 4 election, while according to the official results they won just 7.5 percent of the vote. However, since only 50-70 people participated in the protest, the republican authorities are unlikely to pay attention to them (http://dagestan.kavkaz-uzel.ru/articles/197114/, December 6).

In Kabardino-Balkaria, 98.38 percent of the republic’s registered voters went to the polls, with 81.91 percent of them voting for United Russia. Out of the other six parties that participated in the election, only the Russian Communist Party’s branch in Kabardino-Balkaria cleared the minimum seven percent required for State Duma representation, winning 17.63 percent of the vote in the republic (http://kabardino-balkaria.kavkaz-uzel.ru/articles/197067/, December 5).

Independent observers in Ingushetia reported an extremely low voter turnout – about 10 percent – as well as numerous cases of electoral law violations (http://ingushetia.kavkaz-uzel.ru/articles/197021/, December 5). Officials in Ingushetia nevertheless reported a record voter turnout of 90 percent, of which 78.1 percent voted for United Russia party. Simultaneously with the national parliamentary elections, Ingushetia also held elections to its regional parliament. Even that election apparently evoked little interest from the republic’s voters (http://ingushetia.kavkaz-uzel.ru/articles/197069/, December 5).

Still, there were some differences even in the North Caucasus this year. The Internet became the primary space for criticism of the election results in the North Caucasus. Malik Saidullaev, a Chechen businessman living in Moscow who ran for the Chechen presidency against Akhmad Kadyrov in 2003 but was removed from the race, commented on Facebook: “I know for absolutely sure that the existing authorities will not receive even 3 percent of votes in the North Caucasian republics. So this information about voting says that these elections were farcical, which will turn this government into rogues!” (http://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=100000881318919, December 6).

Konstantin Kazenin dismissed the usual explanations by the Moscow-based experts. “The high Caucasian percentage points for United Russia are habitually attributed to the backwardness of political life in the Northern Caucasus, by ‘Turkmen’ traditions [reference to the extremely autocratic regime in Turkmenistan] that supposedly reign in this part of Russia,” he wrote. “This explanation would be plausible only if we did not compare the Russian State’s Duma elections to other events in the North Caucasus Federal District.” In fact, Kazenin pointed out, even in municipal elections in Dagestan, the electoral battles are fierce and with open-ended, unpredictable results. Voting for United Russia is seen in the North Caucasus as an expression of loyalty to Moscow that will help the region improve its bargaining position with the Russian authorities (http://slon.ru/russia/pochemu_kavkaz_kormit_edinuyu_rossiyu_-721870.xhtml, December 5).

The Russian expert, of course, is being modest in this case. The Moscow-installed authorities in the North Caucasus have no other choice but to provide winning results for the ruling party. They can hardly use this as a bargaining chip. Rather, the reverse is true: Moscow could use bad results for the ruling party as a pretext for dismissing regional governors. In the current situation, however, when the North Caucasus vote has become so pivotal, Russian nationalists and democrats alike might focus on how voting in the North Caucasus contributes to inhibiting democracy’s progress in Russia. So, paradoxically, the rigged votes in the North Caucasus contribute to preventing the democratic evolution of Russia, while official Moscow’s demands and expectations of the North Caucasus elites contribute to hampering the political development of this region.

http://www.jamestown.org/programs/nca/single/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=38750&tx_ttnews%5BbackPid%5D=24&cHash=d186d89da9fe5e2ba46a8cc4afa65d91

Share Button

With Sochi Olympics on the Horizon, Russia Bolsters Military Presence in Northwest Caucasus

With Sochi Olympics on the Horizon, Russia Bolsters Military Presence in Northwest Caucasus

Publication: Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 8 Issue: 207
November 9, 2011 05:34 PM Age: 30 days
Planned Sochi Olympics 2014 site (Source: skyscrapercity.com)

On November 7, the European parliament in Brussels observed Circassian Day. The event focused on Circassian diaspora organizations, their problems and expectations in relation to the European parliament. In attendance were diaspora groups from European countries, but also substantial Circassian delegations from the United States and Israel. One of the main topics of discussion in Brussels was political activism within the Circassian diaspora. The Circassian issue garnered some public attention internationally because of the Winter Olympics in Sochi set to take place in 2014 (www.kavkaz-uzel.ru, November 8).

The Circassians insist that the Olympics be moved to another location in order to avoid a conflict with the principles of the Olympics. Circassians occupied the lands around Sochi prior to the Russian empire’s brutal conquest of the region in the second half of the nineteenth century. The Circassians were forcibly deported to the Ottoman Empire and are now dispersed among many Middle Eastern and European countries, as well as the U.S. Only an estimated 10 percent of the prewar population was allowed to stay in the North Caucasus, but they were driven out of the areas along the Black Sea coast. Circassian activists claim their people’s destruction at the hands of the Russian empire constitutes a case of genocide. In May 2011, Georgia was the first country to recognize the Circassian genocide officially (see for details nosochi2014.com/).

Russia’s reaction to the increased awareness of the Circassian issue was mixed. Even though most pro-government media and Russian officials dismissed Circassian claims and some even mutedly threatened them, the government also made gestures of accommodation. For example, in Tuapse district of Krasnodar region, where Sochi is located, the local government plans to open Circassian museums. Two ethnic villages will strive to replicate the life of the Circassians prior to the Russian conquest of the nineteenth century (http://www.aheku.org/page-id-2652.html).

Moscow’s reaction, however, was not only about accommodating Circassian interests. The Russian military quietly has relocated the 33rd mountain infantry brigade from Botlikh, Dagestan, to Maikop, Adygea. On October 26, the commander of the unit, Aleksandr Zybkin, met the head of Adygea, Aslan Tkhakushinov. The mountain infantry brigade has a listed staff of 2,300 people but is actually manned by 75 percent of that number, or 1,725 persons. The 33rd brigade became a structural part of the newly formed 49th army in the North Caucasus, headquartered in the city of Stavropol. The mountain brigade from Dagestan replaced the 291st artillery brigade in Maikop, which has been relocated to a base inside Ingushetia. Various explanations were given as to why this brigade was removed from Botlikh – including, among others, the hostility of the local Dagestani population and the absence of an appropriate firing range and specialists (www.kavkaz-uzel.ru, November 8). Yet another reason may have been the need to strengthen the Russian military presence in the northwestern Caucasus to protect the Sochi Olympic from possible attacks.

It is open to question, however, how effective the military would be against a terrorist attack. On October 22, an improvised explosive device went off near a gas station in Sochi. The device reportedly contained 2.5 kilograms of explosives (Interfax, October 26).

On November 2, the Russian military announced plans to build a military training facility in Terskol, near Mount Elbrus in Kabardino-Balkaria. A Russian defense ministry official, Aleksandr Ukraintsev, stated that the Russian mountain military units had the same skill sets as their counterparts in other countries, but lacked a proper training base. According to the president of the Russian Mountaineering Federation, Andrei Volkov, Russian law enforcement needs up to 35,000 servicemen with mountain combat skills. Volkov said that 1,222 servicemen had received the relevant training in the mountains and 221 of them were certified as instructors, including 117 instructors for the defense ministry (www.kavkaz-uzel.ru, November 6).

On November 5, a counterterrorism operation regime in areas of Kabardino-Balkaria including the Elbrus and Baksan districts was lifted. Officials stated that the special regime had helped quell the insurgents’ influence and that the situation in the republic had stabilized. The counterterrorism operation regime was introduced in key areas of Kabardino-Balkaria on February 20, following the killing of three tourists from Moscow by suspect militants. The attack and the state’s reaction to it disrupted the local tourist business (www.kavkaz-uzel.ru, November 5). Even though counterterrorism regime rules are no longer in effect, the scare after the murder of the tourists will probably persist for some time. It is also unclear how the insurgents will react to the resumption of tourism in Kabardino-Balkaria.

Meanwhile, on November 2, one of the most powerful Circassians in the Russian government, Nazir Khapsirokov, died in Moscow. Khapsirokov worked as an aide to the head of the Russian president’s administration head since 2001 and previously headed the administrative apparatus of the Russian Prosecutor General’s Office. Khapsirokov came from the village of Khabez in Karachaevo-Cherkessia, where he was also buried (http://www.kchr.info, November 3). This loss for the Circassian community of the North Caucasus is important because it could severely impede the channels of communication between the Kremlin and the Circassian activists seeking concessions from Moscow over the 2014 Sochi Olympics.

http://www.jamestown.org/programs/nca/single/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=38645&tx_ttnews%5BbackPid%5D=24&cHash=e41ad3434dc729c574c9a656ed491ca8

Share Button

BBC: Dagestan – the most dangerous place in Europe

24 November 2011 Last updated at 00:04 GMT

Dagestan – the most dangerous place in Europe

By Lucy AshBBC News, Makhachkala

Bomb-damaged street in Dagestan

Once it was Chechnya, today it is the republic of Dagestan on the Caspian Sea that is the most explosive place in Russia – and in Europe. There are bomb attacks almost daily, shootouts between police and militants, tales of torture and of people going missing.

Two armed men in camouflage holding Kalashnikov rifles enter the shop and tell the customers to leave. The terrified cashier stumbles past as one of the men puts a bomb on the counter and sets the timer.

He does not bother emptying the till, he just walks out of the door.

Seconds later, the shop is filled with smoke.

Attacks like this one caught on supermarket security cameras – in which Islamic fighters punish shops that sell alcohol – have become routine events in Dagestan’s capital, Makhachkala.

The owners typically get a warning first, often delivered by text message, or on a USB memory stick thrown through car windows, or into a letterbox.

Continue reading the main story

Dagestan’s violence

Map of Dagestan and North Caucasus
  • Islamic militants are fighting for independence from Moscow and to establish an Islamic Caliphate across the North Caucasus
  • Last year, 378 insurgency-related deaths were recorded in Dagestan, compared with 134 in Ingushetia and 127 in Chechnya
  • Russian President Dmitri Medvedev has blamed the insurgency on “monstrous” corruption and called it “the country’s main security threat”

If they ignore it, there may be a bomb or a shootout or the owners may agree to pay protection money.

“The fighters like to portray themselves as so devout,” says a lieutenant colonel in the anti-terrorism police, who I will call Bashir.

“But many are just cynical criminals running protection rackets.”

I met Bashir at a football match, watching the Cameroonian striker Samuel Eto’o – reportedly the world’s best-paid footballer – play for Anzhi Makhachkala.

The atmosphere inside the stadium was relaxed, even joyful, with old men munching sunflower seeds and children waving flags, despite the heavy security outside.

After the game, a smiling Eto’o told me he was proud to play in Dagestan – but he does not spend much time here, heading straight back to the safety of Moscow after every match.

Puritanism

In the centre of Makhachkala, there are armed police on almost every corner.

Bashir drives me past a place where two car bombs recently killed a policeman and a young girl and wounded 60 police and passers-by.

“When our guys rushed to the scene of the first explosion, a blast about 12 times more powerful went off,” he adds.

Continue reading the main story

Find out more

Policemen inspect a bombed-out car
  • You can listen to Lucy Ash’s Crossing Continents on Dagestan on BBC Radio 4 on 24 November at 11:00 GMT and on Monday 28 November at 20:30 GMT
  • You can watch her film on Dagestan on Newsnight on BBC2 on Thursday 24 November at 22:30

“It was a trap. They wanted to get as many of us as possible.”

He asks me not to use his real name, or to photograph his face. Government officials and policemen are the main targets of the increasingly ruthless Islamic insurgents.

Many officers are too scared to go on to the street in their uniform. Police who have to stop and search cars often wear masks.

But unlike some of his colleagues, Bashir seems to want to understand why so many young Dagestanis have joined the rebels and gone into hiding – known here as “going into the forest”.

At the university, I watch him lecture students about the dangers of fundamentalist websites. He tells them a cautionary tale about a young medical student who made some so-called friends online, and who later forced him to plant a car bomb.

Bashir is joined by an imam, who urges moderation and compliance with Russian law. “If a man only gets secular education he will be heartless – if he only gets religious education he’ll be a fanatic,” the imam says.

Most Muslims in Dagestan are Sufi but younger people are increasingly drawn to the Salafi branch of Islam, which is less mystical, more puritanical and, crucially, outside the control of the state.

This is seen by the interior ministry as a problem, as I discover in the village of Sovietskoye, three hours south of Makhachkala.

Murder

Said Gereikhanov, the young imam at the village mosque, tells me about a day last May, when dozens of Salafi mosque-goers were detained and beaten by police.

Plain-clothed security officers burst into the mosque in muddy boots, during Friday prayers, and told everyone to leave, he says. Outside, they found themselves surrounded by masked men with guns, and the whole congregation of 150 people, including 15 school boys, was taken to a police station in a neighbouring town.

Continue reading the main story

“Start Quote

Rizvan Kurbanov, first deputy premier of Dagestan

Clutching his iPad, deputy premier Rizvan Kurbanov shows me his Facebook account”

Police then summoned the headmaster of the village secondary school, Sadikullah Akhmedov. Said says he was shocked by the brutal treatment of the teenagers – and by Mr Akhmedov’s failure to intercede on their behalf.

He shows me photographs of bruised bodies and young men with half of their beards shaved off.

On the night of 9 July, two months after the arrests at the mosque, there was a more serious incident – one which sent shock waves through Russia. Mr Akhmedov was gunned down in his own sitting room by unknown assailants.

At the school nobody is keen to talk about it. The headmaster’s distraught widow, Djeramat, tells me she has no idea why her husband was killed.

But Said, the imam, says Mr Akhmedov banned the hijab in school and treated girls wearing them as if they “were armed with weapons”.

Said believes only the radical fighters could be responsible. He adds wearily: “You can’t deliver justice through murders. They just make things worse. This war has already been going on for 20 years.”

Persuasion

Like Bashir, Rizvan Kurbanov, Dagestan’s deputy premier and the man in charge of police and security, is keen to reach out to disaffected youth.

Clutching his iPad, Mr Kurbanov shows me his Facebook account. He says when more than 20 terrorist internet sites are putting pressure on Dagestan, the government has to reclaim cyberspace and use social networks to stop young people from being seduced by online jihadists.

President Dmitry MedvedevPresident Medvedev visited Dagestan in 2009, days after a sniper killed the republic’s interior minister

“No place on earth is safe from terrorism. Today the Caucasus, Dagestan included, is of heightened interest to terrorist organisations and they try to spread unrest here,” he says.

An energetic man with a mop of grey hair, he chairs a new commission to persuade fighters to lay down their arms and go back to their families.

“The commission is like a bridge between a person who’s lost his way, who’s been duped and is in the woods, and society. He can walk across this bridge, say I’ve done this and that, please forgive me.”

This feels like a new approach in the North Caucasus where strong-hand tactics and repression have long been the rule, with the full backing of the Kremlin.

In neighbouring Chechnya, forces loyal to President Ramzan Kadyrov have been accused of burning down the houses of suspected militants, leaving their families homeless.

Mr Kurbanov, on the other hand, urges parents to track down wayward sons and bring them round a table where they can appeal for clemency.

So far though the commission has only dealt with minor figures in the insurgency and government’s leniency only goes so far, Mr Kurbanov says.

“Those who don’t understand, the ones I call non-people – because like animals they just crave blood and want to fight – they will be dealt with briefly by the necessary power agencies.”

You can hear Lucy Ash’s full report on Dagestan in Crossing Continents on BBC Radio 4 on Thursday 24 November at 11:00 GMT and again on Monday 28 November at 20:30 GMT. You can also watch herfilm on Dagestan on Newsnight on BBC2 on Thursday 24 November at 22:30 GMT.

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-15824831

Share Button